Oversized items removed to PH 58 (see Index of Oversized behind Section IV)i
In response to a request from the Department of Archaeology for documentary research on the Peyton Randolph property (lots 207 and 237), the Research Department has compiled the pertinent sources and arranged them chronologically through 1938, the year Colonial Williamsburg purchased the property. Answers to the following questions were sought: who lived on the property? what activities occurred there? what architectural changes to the house and outbuildings were recorded? Information about off-site activities of owners and occupants was desired only as it might relate to artifacts found on the site.
I began documentary research by reviewing Helen Bullock's 1932, 1938, and 1940 reports on the "Randolph-Peachy House," Mary Stephenson's 1952 "Peyton Randolph House History," and Jane Carson's 1967 revision of the house history. Sources cited in these reports were evaluated, secondary source references replaced by primary source references when available, and full citations substituted for abstracts.
Even though this study focuses on the history of only two town lots, the lengthy time span (c. 1714-1938) required a dragnet approach to the survey of documentary evidence. Leads were found by examining manuscript and printed guides to various historical collections and by relying on the writer's previous experience in seeking out little known facts about Williamsburg residents and ii. and their houses.
In spite of an intensive search, little new information came to light --especially for the period when the Randolphs occupied the property. The two month period allotted for this research effort limited the scope somewhat, but I know of no likely source of evidence on the property which remains uninvestigated, the only exception being some late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century records at the Williamsburg-James City County Courthouse. Copies of all deeds and major references to land transactions involving the property were obtained, but other court records, though spot-checked, were not combed. The best possible source, the Chancery Court Records, burned in the 1911 courthouse fire.
The Colonial Williamsburg Research Center has amassed an abundance of printed and manuscript materials relating to eighteenth-century Williamsburg, but its nineteenth-century materials are limited. Eighteenth- and nineteenth-century manuscript collections at Swem Library help fill this gap. Files on the property in the Department of Architectural Research were also examined, as was the abstract of title in the Department of Archives and Records. The Research Center has on microfilm some items from the Virginia State Library and Virginia Historical Society, and trips to the state library and historical society turned up little additional material. A search through all volumes of the National Union Catalog of Manuscript Collections in American repositories revealed no collections in other libraries relating to residents of the Peyton Randolph House.
To provide a frame of reference for items filed chronologically, summary information about occupants appears in chart form.
|1714-1715||232-237, 207-208||Trustees conveyed to William Robertson||?|
|1715||233-234||Robertson conveyed to Philip Ludwell||?|
|1717||232||Trustees conveyed to John Tyler||?|
|1718/9||235||Trustees conveyed to Samuel Cobbs||?|
|1723||236-237, 207-208||William Robertson conveyed to John Holloway||?|
|late 1723 or early 1724||207||John Holloway conveyed to John Randolph||John and Susannah Randolph and their children: John, Mary, Beverley, and Peyton|
|1724||237||John Holloway conveyed to John Randolph||same as above|
|1736/7 - Susannah Randolph's death||207, 237, and other unspecified Williamsburg lots||John Randolph willed to Susannah Randolph||Susannah Randolph and her children|
|OCCUPATION OF HEAD RESIDENT||USE OF PROPERTY||REMARKS|
|?||residence? and windmill||See research report, "William Robertson, A Biographical Sketch" (n.d. but before 1957)|
|planter and clerk residence of the House of Burgesses||residence||Randolph's public and private life is detailed in the 1967 house history [also in Gerald Cowden, "The Randolphs of Turkey Island: A Prosopography of the First Three Generations, 1650-1806," (Ph.D. dissertation, College of William and Mary, 1977), pp. 506-66.]|
|same as above||residence||John Custis assisted Susannah Randolph with her husband's business interests when John Randolph was in England during the fall of 1732. In a 4 December 1732 letter to Randolph, Custis discussed plantation affairs and assumed Mrs. Randolph would give him "a particular account of your domestick affairs; she has bin sick but is tolerable well as to health at present; wee are now makeing all the force wee can to carry on your building, having met with some unavoydab[le] disappointmts." Whether this reference to building means improvements on the town lots, at one of the plantations, or on Randolph's property at College Landing is uncertain.|
|widow||residence||At John Randolph's death (2 March 1736/7) Lady Randolph received life rights to the house and lots in Williamsburg. No information indicating that she lived elsewhere has come to light. Nor has the exact date of her death been determined, other than that she was still living in mid-1755 None of the few surviving issues of the Virginia Gazette between 1755 and 1765 contains an obituary for her. Nor does one appear in the Maryland or Pennsylvania Gazette during those years.|
|death of Susannah Randolph (1755 or later) - 1775||207, 237, and other unspecified Williamsburg lots||Peyton Randolph received these by the will of his father||Peyton and Betty Randolph|
|1775-1783||207,237, 179-184||Peyton Randolph willed to Betty Randolph||Betty Randolph|
|1783-1797||207,237, 179-184||Joseph Hornsby||Joseph and Mildred Hornsby and their children: Thomas, Hannah, Mildred, Joseph, and Sarah|
|1798-1799||207, 237, 179-184||George Carter||?|
|1799-1810||207, 237, 179-184, and probably others including 208, 232, and 235-236||Thomas Griffin Peachy||Thomas Griffin Peachy|
|1810-1836||same as above||estate of Thomas Griffin Peachy||Mary M. Peachy and her children|
|1836 or before through 1849||same as above||Thomas Griffin Peachy (son of Mary M. Peachy)||Thomas and Sally Peachy and their children: William, Archibald, John, Beverley, Thomas, Mary, and Sally|
|1849-1857||same as above||Archibald C. Peachy||?|
|1857-1858||same as above||St. George Peachy||?|
|1858-1884||bounds of property described in Section II, item #28||Richard W. Hansford||Richard W. Hansford|
|OCCUPATION OF HEAD RESIDENT||USE OF PROPERTY||REMARKS|
|Attorney General, 1744-1766; Speaker of the House of Burgesses, 1766-1775||residence||No new information about the house or outbuildings during the time Peyton and Betty Randolph lived there has come to light. Peyton Randolph's public and private life is detailed in the 1967 house history, pp. 85-140 (also in Gerald Cowden, "The Randolphs," pp. 578-667). Though marginal considering the confines of this report, perhaps Peyton Randolph's membership in the Williamsburg Lodge of Masons should be noted. [Section 111, #12 and 17]|
|planter||residence||Hornsby moved his family to Kentucky in 17[?] Several 1798 entries in Hornsby's garden book refer to plants from his Williamsburg garden being transplanted to Kentucky.|
|?||?||Section III, #37|
|planter||residence||Sometime after 1800 Mary Monro Peachy (widow of Thomas Peachy's deceased son William Samuel Peachy) and her young children (Elizabeth Griffin Peachy, Sarah Blair Peachy, Thomas Griffin Peachy, and John B. Peachy) moved into the former Randolph house.|
|widow and boardinghouse keeper||residence and boardinghouse||After Thomas Peachy died in 1810, Mary Monro Peachy lived in the house until her death in 1836. Thomas G. Peachy's estate was not settled until 1840.|
|merchant in partnership with W. W. Vest||residence||See Section III, #75, 77, and 78 for recollections of this property (c. 1861) by Eliza Baker, John Charles, and, Victoria Lee.|
|1884-1893||bounds of property described in Section II, item #30||Moses R. Harrell||Moses R. Harrell|
|1893-1897||bounds of property described in Section II, item #31||John and Minerva Dahn||John and Minerva Dahn|
|1897-1919||bounds of property described in Section II, item #35||Edmund W. Warburton||Edmund W. and Martha Warburton and possibly some of their children|
|1919-1920||bounds of property described in Section II, item #38||Letitia Gregory Warburton||Letitia Gregory Warburton|
|1920-1921||bounds of property described in Section II, item #41||The Williamsburg Incorporated||?|
|1921||bounds of lot 10 (land on which Peyton Randolph House located) described in Section II, item #42||Mary Proctor Wilson||Mary Proctor Wilson|
|1924||same as above||Mary Proctor Wilson conveyed to Merrill Proctor Ball||Mary Proctor Wilson until her death in 1927|
|1938||same as above||Merrill Proctor Ball and Frederick H. Ball conveyed to Colonial Williamsburg, Inc.|
|OCCUPATION OF HEAD RESIDENT||USE OF PROPERTY||REMARKS|
|sheriff of Williamsburg and James City County c. 1898||residence|
|owner of Williamsburg Canning Co., dealer in wood and ties, mayor of Williamsburg c. 1900||residence|
|?||?||property subdivided into 10 lots|
|tourist home operator||residence and tourist home||Merrill Proctor Ball to have life tenure|
Section II summarizes the chain of title for colonial lots 207 and 237, site of the Peyton Randolph House. Bracketed citations indicate the location in this report of copies of deeds and other evidences of land transactions. Since several outbuildings associated with the house were built on neighboring lots, references to property owned in conjunction with lots 207 and 237 are also included.
Lots 207 and 237 occupy the southwest corner of a square bounded by Nicholson, England, Scotland, and Queen streets. No colonial town plan designating lot numbers has survived, and nineteenth-century plats label lots in this square by owner only. Therefore, lot numbers in the diagram represent conclusions reached through study of early eighteenth century deeds.
John Randolph's stable was located on lot 177 or 182 (see item 13 below,], but most likely on 177 which he presumably owned. Gawen Corbin of King and Queen County owned lots 178-181. By his will (dated 1 November 1739; probated 12 February 1744) Corbin gave his "Daughter Alice Needler my house & four lotts in the City of Wmsburgh which I bought of Frances Tyler & lies Adjoyning to some part of the Govrs. Pasture & my Lady Randolphs stable." Corbin acquired lots 178-181 from Francis Tyler on 14 December 1720. Fredericksburg District Court Records (several Corbin wills appear at the beginning of reel M-147 RESTRICTED), York County Deeds, Bonds 111, 345]
After her death Peyton Randolph received the houses, and lots in Williamsburg and at College Landing, the plantation and lands on Archer's Hope Creek, the household servants and slaves, and the slaves belonging to the plantation. He also received lands and tenements at Martin's Hundred and the slaves, livestock, and goods belonging thereto, as well as his father's "collection of books with the cases in which they are kept."
A codicil dated 17 February 1736/7 gave Peyton Randolph land purchased from Colonel Custis and his son adjoining the Archer's Hope Creek plantation and warehouses and land purchased from the executors of John Holloway. The codicil also contained further instructions about the books and cases. [Section III, #7]
In early February 1783 houses and lots of the late Mrs. Betty Randolph were advertised for sale at public auction. The house was described as "two story, high, with four rooms on a floor, pleasantly situated on the great square, with every necessary outhouse convenient for a large family, garden and yard well paled in, stables to hold twelve horses, and room for two carriages, with several acres of pasture ground." [Section III, #28]
All that certain lot or parcel of land together with the buildings and improvements thereon, situated at the northeast corner of Nicholson and England Streets in the City of Williamsburg, Virginia, and running from Nicholson Street along England Street to a point two and one-half (2 ½) feet north of where a garage formerly stood on said property, which point is marked by an iron stob, and is estimated to be about 148 feet north of Nicholson Street; and running thence east between parallel lines to a line 60 feet west of the Nicholson School lot, formerly belonging to J. B. C. Spencer, and now belonging to Williamsburg Restoration, Inc. The property hereby conveyed is bounded on the north by the property of W. C. Skillman, on the east by the property of Williamsburg Restoration, Inc., acquired by it or its predecessor in title from E. D. Spencer, on the south by Nicholson Street, and on the west by England Street. Being the same property conveyed to Mary Proctor Wilson by The Williamsburg Inc., by deed dated July 1, 1921, and duly recorded in City of Williamsburg Deed Book 9, pages 255-6; and being also the same property conveyed to Merrill Proctor Ball by deed from Mary Proctor Wilson dated April 14, 1924, and recorded in City of Williamsburg Deed Book 12, page 57 on August 2, 1927. [Section V, #35]
1714York County Deeds and Bonds, III, 28
This Indenture made the Eleventh day of November in the first Year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord George by the grace of God of Great Brittain, France & Ireland King, Defender of the faith &c and in the Year of our Lord God One Thousand Seven hundred & fourteen Between the Feoffees or Trustees for the Land appropriated for the building & Erecting the City of Wmsburgh of the One part & William Robertson of the County of York of the other part Wittnesseth that the said Feoffees or Trustees for diverse good causes & considerations them there unto moving but more Especially for & in consideration of five shillings of good & lawfull money of England to them in hand paid at & before the Ensealing & delivery of these Presents, the receipt whereof & themselves therewith fully contented & paid they do hereby acknowledge have granted, bargained, sold, demised & to farm letten unto the said Wm. Robertson his heirs or assigns Eight Certain Lotts of Ground in the said City of Wmsburgh designed in the Platt of the said City by these figures 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 207 & 208 with all Pasturage, Woods & Waters & all manner of Profits, Comoditys & hereditaments whatsoever to the same belonging or in any wise appertaining To have & To hold the said Granted Premises & Every part thereof with the appurtenances unto the said Wm. Robertson his Executors Administrators & Assigns for & during the term & time of one whole Year from the day of the date of these Presents & fully to be Compleated & Ended. Yeilding & Paying to the said Feoffees or Trustees the Yearly rent of one grain of Indian Corn to be paid on the Tenth day of October Yearly if it be demanded, to the intent that the said Wm. Robertson may be in quiet & peaceable possession of the Premisses & that by Vertue hereof & of the Statute for transferring Uses into possession he may be Enabled to Accept a Release of the Reversion & inheritance thereof to him & his heirs for Ever. In Wittness whereof Jno. Clayton Esqr. & Hugh Norvel Gentt Two of the said Feoffees or Trustees have hereunto Sett their hands & Seals the day and Year above written.
Signed, Sealed & Delivered in presence of
John Clayton [Seale]
Hugh Norvell (Seale]
At a Court held for York county 15th November 1714 Jno. Clayton Esqr. & Hugh Norvel Gentt Two of the Feoffees or Trustees for the Land appropriated for the building & Erecting the City of Wmsburgh Acknowledged this their Deed of Lease of Eight Lotts or half Acres of the said Land to Wm. Robertson Gentt & on his motion it is admitted to Record
Test Phi: Lightfoot Clk
Test Phi: Lightfoot Clk Truly Recorded
[# 2]York County Deeds and Bonds, III, 28-29
This Indenture made the Twelfth day of November in the first Year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord George by the grace of God of Great Brittain, France & Ireland King defender of the faith &c and in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven hundred & fourteen Between the Feoffees or Trustees for the Land appropriated for the building & Erecting the City of Wmsburgh of the one part & William Robertson of the County of York of the other part Wittnesseth that whereas the said Wm. Robertson by One Lease to him by the said Feoffees or Trustees bearing date the day before the date of these Presents is in actuall & peaceable possession of Premisses herein after granted to the intent that by Virtue of the said Lease & of the Statute for transferring Uses into possession he may be the better Enabled to accept a Conveyance & Release of the Reversion & inheritance hereof to him & his heirs for Ever the said Feoffees or Trustees for diverse good causes & Considerations them thereunto moving but more Especially for & in consideration of Six pounds of Good & lawfull Money of England to them in hand paid at & before the Ensealing & delivery of these Presents the receipt whereof & themselves therewith fully satisfyed & paid they do hereby Acknowledge have granted, bargained, sold, remissed, released & Confirmed & by these Presents for themselves, their heirs & Successors as far as in them lyes & under the limitations & reservations hereafter mentioned they do grant, bargain, sell, remise, release & Confirm unto the said Wm. Robertson Eight certain Lotts of Ground in the said City of Wmsburgh designed in the Platt of the said City by these figures 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 207, & 208 with all Woods thereon growing or being & all manner of Profits, Comoditys, Emoluments, & Advantages whatsoever to the same belonging or in any wise appertaining To have & To hold the said granted Premisses & Every part thereof with the appurtenances unto the said Wm. Robertson & to his heirs for Ever to be had & held of our Sovereign Lady the Queen in free & Common Soccage, Yielding & Paying the Quittrents due & legally accustomed to be paid for the Same to the onely use & behoof of him the said Wm. Robertson his heirs & Assigns for Ever under the limitations & reservations hereafter mentioned & not otherwise. That is to say, that if the said Wm. Robertson his heirs or Assigns shall not within the space of Twenty four Months next Ensueing the date of these Presents begin to build & finish upon Each Lott of the said granted Premisses One good Dwelling house or houses of such dimensions & to be placed in such manner as by One Act of Assembly made at the Capitol the 23d day of October 1705 Intituled an Act continuing the Act directing the building the Capitol & City of Wmsburgh &c is directed or as shall be Agreed upon, prescribed & directed by the Directors appointed for the settlement & Encouragement of the City of Wmsburgh pursuant to the trust in them reposed by Virtue of the said Act of Assembly, then it shall & may be lawful to & for the said Feoffees or Trustees & their succesors Feoffees or Trustees for the Land appropriated for the building & Erecting the City of Wmsburgh for the time being into the said granted Premisses & Every part thereof with the appurtenances to Enter & the same to have again as their former Estate to have hold & Enjoy in like manner as they might otherwise have done if these Presents had never been made. In Wittness whereof Jno. Clayton Esqr. & Hugh Norvell Gentt Two of the said Feoffees or Trustees have hereunto sett their hands & Seals the day & year above written.
Signed, Sealed & Delivered in the presence of
John Clayton (Seale]
Hugh Norvell [Seale]
November 12th 1714
Recd. of Wm. Robertson six pounds Current Money being the Consideration within mentioned per me £6:0:0
At a Court held for York County 15th November 1714 Jno. Clayton Esqr. & Hugh Norvell
Gentt Two of the Feoffees or Trustees for the Land appropriated for the building &
Erecting the City of Wmsburgh Acknowledged this their Deed of Release of Eight Lotts
or half Acres of the said Land to Wm. Robertson Gentt with receipt thereon & on his
motion these are admitted to Record.
Truly Recorded Test Phi: Lightfoot Clk
Test Phi: Lightfoot
1723York County Deeds and Bonds, III, 412
This Indenture made the twelfth day of December in the tenth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord George by the Grace of God of Great Brittain France & Ireland King Defender of the Faith &c and in the year of our Lord Christ One thousand Seven hundred twenty and three Between William Robertson of the County of York Gent of the one part and John Holloway of the City of Wmsburgh in the same County Esqr. of the other part Witnesseth that the said William Robertson for and in Consideration of the Sum of Eighty pounds Currant money of Virginia to him in hand paid by the said John Holloway before the Ensealing & delivery of these presents the receipt whereof the said William Robertson doth hereby acknowledge and thereof and of every part and parcel thereof doth fully clearly and absolutely acquit exonerate & discharge the said John Holloway his Executors & Administrators by these presents Hath granted bargained and sold aliened & Confirmed & by these presents doth grant bargain sell alien and Confirm unto the said John Holloway and his heirs all those four lots of Ground lying & being in the City of Wmsburgh denoted in the plan of the said City by the figures 236, 237, 207, 208 being the lots whereon the said William Robertson's Windmill stands together with the said Windmill and all Houses buildings Yards Orchards ways Waters profits Easements & Commodities to the said four lots and other the premisses belonging and the Reversion and Reversions remaind & remainders Right & Title Estate claim & demand of him the said William Robertson of in and to the said Lots of Ground and other the above granted premisses and every part and parcell thereof To have & to hold the four lots & Windmill and all and Singular other the premisses herein before mentioned and intended to be hereby granted with their and every of their Appurtenances unto the said John Holloway his heirs and Assigns for ever to the only use and behoof of him said John Holloway his heirs and Assigns forever And the said William Robertson for himself his heirs Executors & Administrators doth covenant grant and agree to and with the said John Holloway his heirs Executors Administrators & Assigns in manner & form following that is to say that he the said William Robertson at the Ensealing and delivery of these presents is and stands lawfully Seized of and in the above granted premisses and every part thereof of a good sure absolute and indefeizable Estate of Inheritance in fee simple And also that he the said John Holloway his heirs & Assigns shall & may peaceably and quietly have hold and enjoy the said granted premisses with the Appurtenances and every part thereof without the lawfull Let Suit Eviction or molestation of him the said William Robertson his heirs or Assigns or any person or persons whatsoever having or claiming or that shal or may have or claim any Estate Right title or Interest from by or under him the said William Robertson his heirs or Assigns or any of them in or to the said granted premisses or any part or parcell thereof and that for any Act or Acts by him the said William Robertson or any other person claiming by from or under him committed done or suffered the said granted premisses and every part thereof now are and for ever hereafter shall remain freed & discharged of and from all other bargains Sales Gifts Grants feofmts. Entails Dowers Mortgages and all other incumbrances whatsoever had made done executed or procured or to be had made done executed or procured by him the said William Robertson his heirs or Assigns or any of them And lastly the said William Robertson for himself and his heirs the said granted premisses with the appurtenances unto the said John Holloway his heirs and Assigns against him the said William Robertson his heirs & Assigns and all other persons whatsoever shal & will warrant and ever defend by these presents In Witness whereof the said William Robertson hath hereunto set his hand & Seal the day & year first above written
Sealed & Delivered in the presence of
Wil. Robertson (Seal)
At a Court held for York County Decr. 16th 1723 William Robertson Gent in open Court
presented and acknowledged this his deed of sale to John Holloway Esqr. at whose motion
it is admitted to record
Test Phi Lightfoot Cl Cur
1724York County Deeds and Bonds, III, 423-424
This Indenture made the twentieth day of July in the year of our Lord One thousand Seven hundred and twenty four Between John Holloway of the City of Wmsburgh Esqr of the One part And John Randolph of the Same City Esqr of the other part Witnesseth that the said John Holloway for and in Considerason of the Sum of thirty pounds of lawfull money of Virginia to him by the said John Randolph in hand paid before the Sealing and delivery of these presents the Receipt whereof he doth hereby acknowledge Hath granted bargained and Sold And by these presents doth grant bargain and Sell unto the said John Randolph his heirs and Assigns All that Messuage and Lot or half Acre of Land Situate and lying and being in the City of Wmsburgh adjoining to the Lot whereon the said John Randolph now lives which he the said John Holloway lately purchased of William Robertson of the City of Wmsburgh Gent And the Reversion and Reversions Remainder and Remainders thereof and of Every part thereof And all the Estate Right title and Interest of him the said John Holloway in and to the Same and every part thereof To have & to hold the said Tenement and half Acre of Land and all and Singular the premisses with their and every of their appurtenances to him the said John Randolph his heirs and Assigns for ever to the only proper use and behoof of him the said John Randolph his heirs and Assigns for Ever And the said John Holloway for himself his heirs Extors. and Admtors, doth grant Covenant and agree to and with the said John Randolph his heirs and Assigns in manner following that is to Say That he the said John Holloway now at the Sealing & delivery of these presents hath good right and lawfull Authority to Sell and Convey the premisses in manner aforesaid And that the Same shall for Ever hereafter remain unto him the said John Randolph his heirs and Assigns freed & discharged of and from all and all manner of former and other Grants Bargains Sales Estates Rights titles troubles and incumbrances whatsoever has made committed done or Suffered or to be had made committed done or Suffered or to be had made committed done and Suffered by the said John Holloway or any other person or persons whatsoever lawfully claiming or to Claim by from or under him And also that the said John Holloway shall and will at any time within the Space of twenty years next Ensueing the date hereof at the proper Costs and Charges of him the said John Randolph his heirs and Assigns make Execute & acknowledge such other Conveyance or Conveyances for the better assuring and Conveying the premisses to the said John Randolph his heirs and Assigns as by the said Jno Randolph his heirs and Assigns as by the said John Randolph his heirs and Assigns or his or their Councils learned in the law shall be devised advised or required In Witness whereof the parties to these presents first above named their hands and Seals hereunto Interchangeably have Set the day and year first above written.
Sealed & Delivered in the Presence of
John Holloway (Seal)
At a Court held for York County July 20th 1724 John Holloway Esqr in open Court presented & acknowledged this his deed for land lying in Wmsburgh in this County unto John Randolph Esqr at whose motion the Same is admitted to record.
July 20th Recd of John Randolph the Sum of thirty pounds Current money of Virginia
the consideration within mentioned to John Holloway At the Court held for York County
July 20th 1724 John Holloway Esqr acknowledged in open Court the above receipt which
is admitted to record.
Test Phi: Lightfoot Cl Cur
1732John Custis Letter Book, 1717-1741
[John Custis to John Randolph (then in England), 4 December 1732]
…Your plantation goes on tolerably well; only some of the Negros, and particularly Simon at Chicohominy has bin a little [illeg] sunnen and run away, haveing a notion he had no master; but upon complaint of the overseer, I went immediately up; and undeceived him to his cost; and since every body is at present; in good order, at the overseers leave made a beginning to strip Tob: some of it is much spotted but well qualifyd every other way; how it will set on the inspectors stomachs, I can not say but if they will not pas spotted Tob: they must burn half in the Coloney; Mrs Randolph I suppose will write to you by this opportunity and will give you a particular account of your immediate domestick affairs; she has bin sick but is tolerably well as to health at present; wee are now makeing all the force wee can to carry on your building, having met with some unavoydable disappointmts; wee flatterd ourselves here with a mighty price for our Tob: wish the Merchts may do ther part not to damp our budding espectations;…
1736/37Virginia Magazine of History, 78(1970): 199-201
THE LATIN EPITAPH OF SIR JOHN RANDOLPH
edited by Leo M. KAISER*
IN the fire of February 8, 1859, that ravaged the chapel of the College of William and Mary, a marble tablet inscribed with a Latin epitaph commemorating Sir John Randolph (c. 1693-1736/7) who lay buried there was destroyed. Some forty-five years later, however, on June 15, 1903, amid imposing ceremonies, a replica of the tablet was installed, inscribed with a text said to be an "exact copy" of the original.1
It will be of interest, especially in view of the recent suggestion of the Virginia Historical Society to historical groups that they concern themselves with locating tombstone inscriptions in the state,2 that a hitherto unknown rough draft of the original Randolph epitaph exists in the papers of the so-called Virginia Miscellany3 in the Library of Congress. This rough draft clearly antedates all carved texts of the epitaph, and reveals, when compared with the replica, how the author proceeded from unpolished to polished text.
The Latinity of the epitaph is not only classical, but graceful, and points to a writer who had a firm command of the language, a sensitivity to meta-historical usage, and, as the footnotes reveal, a familiarity with some of the eminent Roman authors.
I should like to suggest here that the unknown author of the epitaph was the same scholar who delivered the Latin funeral address (apparently now lost) on the occasion of Sir John's burial: William Dawson, professor of philosophy, later president of the College from 1743 to 1752,4 and brother of Thomas Dawson, president from 1755 to 1761.
The "Virginia Miscellany" text of the epitaph follows, together with somewhat close English translation.
Hoc juxta Marmor / S. E. / JOHANNES RANDOLPH / Eques: / Hujus Collegii dulce Ornamentum, Alumnus; / Insigne Praesidium, Gubernator; Grande Columen, Senator. / GUILIELMUM Patrem, Generosum; / MARIAM, ex ISHAMORUM Stirpe, / In Agro Northamptoniensi, Matrem; / Praeclaris dotibus Honestavit / Filius natu sextus. / Literis humanioribus, Artibus ingenuis fideliter instructus / (Illi quippe fuerat tum Eruditionis, Tum Doctrinae sitis nunquam explenda), / Hospitium Graiense concessit: Quo in Domicilio, / Studiis unice deditus, / Statim inter Legum peritos excelluit / Togamque induit, / Causis validissimus agendis. / In Patriam, / Quam semper babuit charissimam, reversus, Chasidic, / Senators Patriam, / Quam semper habuit charissimam, reversus, /Causidici, / Senatus primum Clerici, deinde Prolocutoris, / Thesaurarii, Legati ad Anglos semel atque iterum missi, / Glocestriae demum Curiae Iudicis Primarii / Vices arduas honestasque sustinuit / Perite, graviter, integre, / Quibus in Muniis / Vix Parem babuit, / Superiorem certe Neminem. / Hos omnes, quos optime meruit, Honores / Cum ingenua totius Corporis pulcritudo / Et quidam senatorius decor, / Tum eximium Ingenii acumen / Egregie illustrarunt./ At / Aequitas summu juris expers; / Clientum fidele omnium, / Pauperiorum sine Mercede, Patrocinium; / Hospitium sine luxu splendidum; / Veritas sine fuco; / Sine fastu charitas, / Ceteris animi virtutibus / Facile praeluxerunt. / Tandem / Norfolcicae primus (quod dicitur) Recordator designatus, / Laboribus Vigiliisque fractus / morboque lentissimo confectus, / Cum sibi satis, sed Amicis, sed Reip. parum vixisset, SUSANNAM / PETRI BEVERLEY Armigeri / Filiam natu minimam, / Conjugem dilectam, fidam, prudentem / (Ex qua tres Filios Filiamque unicam / Singulos superstites susceperat), / Sui magno languentem desiderio / Reliquit, / 6to Non. Mar. An. Dom. 1736-7 / Aetat…
Next to this marble tablet lies5 John Randolph, Knight. He was a beloved ornament of this college, and an alumnus. As one of its Governors, he notably protected its rights; as a member of the House of Burgesses, he was a towering pillar.6 He was the sixth son of William Randolph, gentleman, and of Mary Isham of Northamptonshire, and by his illustrious talents shed honor on them. Faithfully instructed in humane letters and the liberal arts (for he had an insatiable thirst for science and learning), he repaired to Gray's Inn. There, singularly devoted to his studies, he immediately demonstrated his superiority among those skilled in law, and after he was gowned as barrister, vigorously defended cases. Returned to the native land he always held most dear, be discharged skillfully, with dignity, and impartially, the difficult but honorable offices of Attorney, then of Clerk and Speaker of the House, Treasurer, twice Emissary to England, and lastly Chief Justice of the Court of Gloucester. In these duties he had scarcely an equal, and surely no superior. All these distinctions that he so well merited were markedly enhanced by a natural comeliness of body,7 a magisterial grace8 and a brilliant sharpness of intellect.9 All his other virtues Of mind, however, were easily outshone by a sense of equity devoid of the law's rigor; faithful defense of all clients, the poor of whom he served without fee; splendid hospitality without luxury; regard for the truth without obfuscation; and charity without disdain. At length, after being appointed First Recorder, so to speak, of Norfolk County10 he failed in health due to his sleepless toil, and fell victim to a lingering illness. After a life long enough for himself, but too short for his friends and the State,11 he departed this world on March 2,12 1736/7, aged --13, leaving to survive14 him in grievous longing, his beloved, faithful, and prudent wife,15 Susanna, youngest daughter of Peter Beverley, esquire, mother of his three sons and only daughter.376 and 377 Virginia Magazine of History, 36(1928): 376-380 Virginia Historical Magazine
[...]born at Boston, Mass., July 9, 1887; was an A. B., Harvard, 1908, Ph. D., 1912; instructor, lecturer, and professor history, Harvard, 1915-; Harold Vyvyan Harmsworth professor American History, Oxford University, 1922-25. Among his published works are Life of Harrison Gray Otis, History of the Constitution of Massachusetts, and Maritime History of Massachusetts. His home is given as Concord, Mass.
The opinions of the Oxford History with reference to the South are simply in line with the peculiar notions entertained by many New Englanders, and constitute a part of the propaganda, conscious or unconscious, formerly outspoken and violent, latterly more moderate, but, as in this instance, none the less subtle, which has been carried on with varying intensity for more than a hundred years. The effect, whether intended or not, has been to give the world a distorted idea of the South and the southern people.
Apparently Dr. Morison by virtue of the position he has held has occupied a coign
of vantage from which to impress his opinions of us upon plastic minds at England's
great institution of learning, the University of Oxford, and to disseminate them in
a history of the United States issued under its imprimatur.
L. Beverley Howry,
Washington, D. C.
COPY OF WILL OF SIR JOHN RANDOLPH.
Dated December 23, 1735
I Sir John Randolph of Williamsburgh Knight being in good health and of sound mind and memory for preventing disputes in my ffamily about the estate I may leave at my death which I have acquired honestly tho' by a profession much exposed to temptations of deceit and extortion do make this my last will and testament. But whereas I have been reproached by many people especially the clergy in the article of religion and have by the ffreedom and sincerity of my discourses drawn upon me names very familiar to blind zealots such as deist heretic and schismatic and gained the ill will or perhaps the hatred of some few I think if necessary in the first place to vindicate my memory from all harsh and unbrotherly censure of this kind and to give this last testimony of my ffaith.
I contemplat and adore the Supreme Being the first cause of all things whose infinite power and wisdom is manifested throughout all his works of which none can entertain the least doubt but ffools or madmen. I do sincerely believe from the evidence of the sacred writings as well as of prophane authors that Jesus was the Messiah who came into the world in a miraculous manner to give light to mankind at that time lost and wondering in miserable darkness and abandoned to horrid superstitions and ignorance of the true religion to destroy all ffactions and parties about it to persuade us to love one another which comprehends the whole moral law as the only way to eternal life and to establish peace and liberty among all nations. I am also thoroughly persuaded by the authority of his word that the dead shall rise at God's appointed time which is my greatest hope and comfort and that we shall then be judged not for any errors or mistakes in matters of speculation but for the immorality of our lives and above all for that ffierceness with which mankind is inspired in religious disputes despising reviling and hating one another about trifling and insignificant opinions. That we shall be rewarded if the corrupt state of humane nature can merit anything only according to the degree of virtue which we have practiced in this life wherein I am assured mankind have a perfect liberty and, are undoubtedly exempted from ffate and necessity. This is the religion I have learned from the gospel and do believe it to be truely christian as it is suited to the weak capacities of men easy to be understood and needing none of the explanations and comments of learned Doctors whose labors seem to be in vain because while by their reasoning they confute the gross errors of others they have not sense or courage enough to establish a true uniform consistent system of their own but strive to make the religion of Christ a science of mighty difficulty and mistery against his own authority and by the weight of their great learning and abilities have only made their adherents more fierce and obstinate ffixing irreconcilable animosities among them about unintelligible propositions and senseless doctrines having no tendency to influence mens minds to amend their lives but weakening the eternal obligations of morality whereby the true christian unity is destroyed which cannot be founded but in a strict obedience to the precepts of the gospel. And it is upon this account that my veneration to the ways and means publicly established for the reformation of our lives and turning us from our vicious cources is quite worn out. And I beseech God the ffather almighty if these opinions are erroneous that I may be enlightened with better thoughts. That he will direct my steps in the ways of truth honesty and charity and that I may be always ready to resign this life with patience and cheerfulness; retaining a firm confidence in his mercy that I shall not be dealt with according to the errors and ffrailties of my life but may be admitted to some degree of that everlasting peace which his son has promised to those that believe in him.
As to my body I care little about it not doubting but more ceremony will be used with it than is necessary. Yet it is my desire if I should die in this town to be buried in the chappel of William and Mary College with as little trouble and expense as may be.
For the maintenance and support of my dear and most beloved wife who for her ffaithfulness affection and prudence deserves to be remembered in the first place I make the following provision I give 378 and 379 and devise to her during her life all my houses and lots in the city of Williamsburgh and the plantation and lands adjoining to the town which I purchased of Mr. Thomas Corbin and Mr. Thomas Bray with the appurtenances and also my household servants and slaves and the slaves living and residing upon the said plantation. I also give her during her life the use of all the ffurniture of my house in Williamsburgh of what kind soever my plate and linnen of all sorts all the goods which are or shall be provided for the use of my several plantations and the liquors and other things laid in for my housekeeping and all the stocks of cattle and sheep upon the said plantation allowing her to take ffirewood from the said land for the use of the house. I also give her forever my coach chariot and chaise with every thing that belongs to them and my coach horses riding horses mares and colts which are kept in town also all her own wearing apparel rings jewels and other paraphenalia also all her own wearing apparel rings jewels and other paraphernalia also the pieces of money whether gold or silver which I have given her and one hundred pounds sterling. I also give her the profits of all my other plantations and negros or other slaves until my several sons shall respectively attain the age of twenty four years or if any of them should die until that time would have been accomplished if they had lived if she should live as long. And after that my will is that she shall receive of my sons one third part of the profits of my said plantations and slaves for her dower. And my will is that the profits of my estate be received by my wife in trust for her better support and the maintenance and education of my children. After her death I give all my said houses and, lots in Williamsburg and at the college landing and the said plantation and lands lying near or adjoining to the town upon Archers hope creek which I purchased of the said Thomas Corbin and Thomas Bray and my household servants and slaves and slaves belonging to the said plantation and other the premises before given to my wife during her life to my son Peyton Randolph and to his heirs and assigns forever. I also give unto my said son Peyton his heirs and assigns all my lands tenements and hereditaments with the appurtenances lying and being in Martin's hundred in the county of James City and all the slaves horses hogs cattle sheep and other goods and chattels belonging to the said lands or at the time of my death living residing or being upon the same.
I also give unto my said son my whole collection of books with the cases in which they are kept hoping he will betake himself to the study of the law: But if he dies before he comes to the age of twenty four years, I give the same to my son John if he lives to be of the age of twenty one; otherwise I leave them to my residuary legatee.
I give and bequeath to my said son John all my plantations lands tenements and hereditaments with the appurtenances lying and being in the Parish of James City upon Chickohominy river in the county of James City which I purchased of Robert Porteous Esqr and all the slaves horses hogs cattle sheep and other goods and chattels belonging to the same or living residing or being upon the said plantations to hold to him and his heirs forever.
I give and bequeath to my daughter one thousand pounds sterling when she attains the age of twenty one years or marries but if she dies before I give the same to my residuary legatee.
Whereas my negroes Peter and Hull do not live constantly at any plantation I give Hull to my son Beverley and Peter to my son John. I also give unto my son Beverley the mulatto boy Billy and all the rest of my estate both real and personal. Appointing my wife, brethren William Randolph and Richard Randolph and Henry Whiting Esqr. my executors and guardians to my children. In testimony whereof I have signed my name to every page of this my will containing five pages and affixed my seal the 23rd day of December MDCCXXXV.
Published and declared to be my last will and testament in the presence of these witnesses
John Randolph L. S.
Memorandum that on the XXVIIJth day of April MDCCXXXVIJ-this Will was presented in
the General Court by William Randolph Esq. Richard Randolph and Henry Whiting Gent
executors therein named who made oath thereto according to law and the same was proved
by the oaths of Charles Bridges and Philip Ffinch the witnesses to it and ordered
to be recorded.
Teste. Matt. Kemp Clk.
Whereas I Sr. John Randolph have heretofore made my last Will and testament in writing hearing date the three and twentieth Day of December in the year of our Lord 1735 I do now confirm and republish the same with the additions and alterations contained in this codicil which shall be received and taken as part of my said Will. Ffirst I desire that the house at Eaton Hill be repaired in the manner I have already provided for and according to such directions as I shall leave for that purpose then that it be furnished with beds ffurniture (of which several are already provided) and other things which may be found necessary also that North River Hill may be rebuilt: the expense of all which to be defrayed out of the profits of my estate in Gloucester. I give to my eldest son the following negros, a negro girl named Ffrank who lives with Mr. Pasteur a negro girl Lucy who lives with Mr. Bridges a mulatto girl called Nanny who lives at my quarters at Archer's house and a negro girl called Easter and I also give him my great silver cup. I give to my son Peyton a parcel of land I lately purchased of colonel Custis and his son adjoining to my land at Archers 380 and 381 hope also the warehouses and land thereunto belonging which I purchased about twelve months ago of the executors of John Holloway Esqr deceased to hold to him and his heirs forever and I give him a mulatto boy called Lewy my will further is that all the money outstanding and due to me be placed out at interest upon such securities as my executor shall approve and if it shall happen that any of the securities for money I have already placed out should be suspected of insufficiency I desire the same may be called in and the money placed out upon better security and I do appoint the interest arising from any such loan to be applied to the better maintenance and education of my children until my son Peyton comes of age yet I do not intend that the paiment of my Daughter's portion should be delayed in case of her marriage before that time but shall be paid as soon as the money can be called in. I also desire that a fair catalogue may be made of my books and that they be carefully preserved in the presses where they now are so far as they can contain them and I desire that these presses be fully repaired and have new locks and keys and that one other mahogany press be provided for the better keeping the rest of the books. Lastly my will is that an inventory be made of my estate without any appraisement or security to be given for the admonas--of it trusting entirely to the ffidelity and kindness of my executors. And I do appoint my worthy and honest ffriend John Carter Esqr. one of the guardians of my children. In testimony where of I have signed and sealed this writing this seventeenth day of February 1736 publishing and declaring the same to be a codicil to and part of my last will before mentioned. Signed sealed published and declared in the presence of us who subscribed our names in the presence of the Testator
John Randolph L. S.
Memorandum that this codicil to the last will, and testament of Sir John Randolph Knight deceased was presented in the General Court the XXVIIJth day of April MDCCXXXVIJ by William Randolph esqr. Richard Randolph and Henry Whiting (executors in the said will named) who made oath thereto according to law and the same was proved by the oaths of William Stith Joshua Ffry William Dawson and Benjamin Needler witnesses to it, and (together with the said last will and testament) ordered to be recorded.
Teste Matt. Kemp Clk.
The foregoing are true transcripts from the record of the will and codicil of Sir
John Randolph. Teste N. P. Howard,
Clk General Court.
[Sir John Randolph, son of William Randolph (1st), of "Turkey Island", was born in 1693, and died March 9, 1737. fie was long one of the most eminent lawyers in Virginia, was clerk of the House of Burgesses, twice agent for the colony in England, Speaker of the House of Burgesses and Treasurer of Virginia. For a sketch of his life, with portraits of him and his wife, see this Magazine, vol. XXXII, pp. 136-14].
The will was proved in the General Court at Williamsburg. The copy from which this publication is made, is from the General Court records after they were removed to Richmond. These records were destroyed when the General Court house was burned in May, 1865. This copy came from the collections of Mrs. Mary Randolph Kent and is given to us with permission to print, by Mr. Joseph Gordon Kent. It is believed that it has not been printed before.]
Information wanted of the family of Humphrey Sale, of Essex county, Virginia (son
of Molly Brooke and Thomas Sale), born before 1767 and died after 1790. Would like
names of wife and children and any dates of birth, marriage and death of this family.
Mrs. Howard Bailey,
4944 Lindell Boul., St. Louis, Mo.
COPY OF "WALLER" RECORD.
Contributed by Mrs. Jno. Prosser Harrison, Box 242, Hilton Village, Va.
Kept by Dabney Washington Waller, then by his son, Dabney Jordan Waller, then by Miss Caroline W. Walter, eldest daughter of Dabney Jordan Waller. Record now in possession of Raymond Walter, son of Dabney Jordan Waller.
Thomas Waller, son of John and Agnes Carr Waller, was born July 29, 1732, and married Sarah Dabney. Departed this life Feb. 10th, 1788, aged 55 yrs., 5 mo. and 19 days.
Sarah Dabney, dau. of John and Sarah Ann Jennings Dabney was born Oct. 2, 1740, and departed this life Jan. 10th, 1822, aged 81 yrs., 3 mo. and 8 days.
Mary, dau. of Thomas and Sarah Ann Waller, was born Feb. 26th. 1761. Mar. Joseph Woolfolk and departed this life 1850.
Anna, dau. of Thomas and Sarah Ann Dabney Waller, was born Nov. 11th, 1762, and died August 5th, 1834.
1739Fredericksburg District Court Records (M-147)
[Will of Gawen Corbin of Stratton Parish in the County of King and Queen (dated 1 Nov. 1739; recorded 12 Feb. 1744) appears at the beginning of the reel containing miscellaneous papers relating to various suits]
Item. I give unto my Daughter Alice Needler my house & four lotts in the City of Wmsburgh. which I bought of Frances Tyler & lies Adjoyning to some part of the Govrs. Pasture & my Lady Randolphs stable to her and her heirs forever.
1740Journal of the House of Burgesses, 1736-1740 p. 409
[30 May 1740 session]
Resolved , That an additional Rent of Four Pounds Ten Shillings per Annum , be allowed Susannah Randolph , Guardian of Peyton Randolph , Proprietor of the Public Warehouses at the College Landing, from the Tenth Day of November last, for building the Warehouse, in her Petition mentioned.
1740-1741 [Section IV, # 1]
Stray'd away, the 12th of August
last from the College Landing, Williamsburg
, a small Grey Horse, branded on the near Buttock with a W., not very plain; he paces
naturally, one of his hind Feet is white. Whoever brings him to me, at the Lady Randolph
's Quarter, near the said Landing, shall have Half a Pistole Reward.
1755Edmund Jennings II Letterbook, 1753-56
[Edmund Jennings, England, to (his daughter the wife of John Randolph) Ariana Randolph, 23 October 1755 (in answer to her July 24th letter]
I share with you all in the Common Concern for the [situation Circumstances ?] of Virga. I Hope The Worst is over, And that the Govermt Now will do their utmost for its Security Either by a Peace [illeg.] or War. Make Lady Randolph & your next neighbours assured of my most perfect Esteem.
1761-1763 [Section IV, # 4]
1762Williamsburg Lodge of Masons, Minute Book, 1773-1779
[rough minutes for 17 March 1779 were written on a page of the treasurer's book for 1762]
1762 Decr. 17 By Cash received of the Grand Master P. Randolph Esqr. for the last Years arrears £ 1..0..0
1764-1762 [Section IV, # 5]
1768York County Wills, Inventories
An Account Sales of Goods and Effects belonging to the Estate of the late Hon. Francis Fauquier Esqr deceased [sale Probably in 1768 but not recorded until 20 July 1771]
|3 Cows @ 40/||6..0..0|
|1 Horse old Dimple||15..0..0|
|an old Cart and Harness||5..0..0|
|25 Bushels Wheat||5..0..0|
1769Virginia Gazette (Rind)
On the 8th Instant Mr. JOSEPH HORNSBY, of this city, was married to Miss MILDRED WALKER, daughter of Dr. Thomas Walker, of Albemarle County; a young Lady possessed of every qualification requesite to render the marriage state happy.
1769-1904 [Section IV, # 6]
1770John Norton and Sons Papers, 1750-1902 Colonial Williamsburg Research Archives [printed letter checked against original]
Virga Sept 23. 1770
To Mr John Norton
Merchant in London
Your Son not having room in his own Ship put my tobo on board Lilly. It is my whole crop, five hogsheads, and will I hope be thought as good as last year's, and sell for as much. I must get the favour of you to send in the spring the few articles mention'd below, and to take notice that the table Cloths are to be Irish linnen and I shall be glad you'd particularly careful to do every thing that is requisite to shew they are of that Manufacture, as no other sort can be receivd. I am
Your Most obedt
two pair best large blankets
twelve fine table cloths, 10
quarters wide, Irish linen.
twelve Course Do 10 quarters Square, Irish linen
a Copper tea kettle, to hold six quarts, of the best sort.
a Bell metal Skillet, to hold a gallon
Virga 23d 1770/Peyton Randolph/Rd the 27 Novr Exd/Goods End Pa 286/Ansd the 9 March 1771/Pr Goosley
1772John Norton and Sons Papers, 1750-1902
Virga. August 5th 1772
John Norton, Esqr.
Mercht. in London
I am much obliged to you for the Medallion of Lord Botetourt; it is generally thought to be very like him, and if for that reason a most agreeable present. Your Sentiments with respect to an agent exactly concur with mine; but they wou'd perhaps have been applied with more propriety if they had been addressed to your Brother the Treasurer.
Mr Norton had an order for five hogsheads of tobo which I suppose are on board your ship, tho' I have not rec'd bills of lading for them. Your Son promised to write for insurance, and to inform you he had agreed to pay Hill and Lamar's bill for, two pipes of wine. I must trouble you to answer a bill for one pipe annually, and shall take care, to make you a remittance by your ship.
There is a bala of 16 or 17 due from Mr. Athawes to me the exact sum be will find out by the accounts sent him by Mr. Waller. I must get the favour of you to receive it, and to pay Mr Fauquier 27. £ Sterg. Be pleased to inform that gentleman that I have recd his letter, and will answer it very soon; tho, I hope he is satisfied by the accounts sent him by Mr. Wythe before this time. Our compts to Mrs Norton
Your most Obedt.
Virga 5 August 1772/Peyton Randolph/Recd: 25 September Ecd/ Answd ye/ Pr Capt Howd Esten.
1773Williamsburg Lodge of Masons, Minute Book, 1773-1779
[6 July 1773 meeting at the new lodge room in Williamsburg]
Present Peyton Randolph Esqr. G. M. [Grand Master]
1773-1885 Section IV, # 7]
1775Virginia Gazette (Pinckney)
The officers of the two companies of militia, elected yesterday for this city, were as follow: John Dixon, colonel, Joseph Hornsby, major, James Southall and John Hatley Norton, captains, Benjamin C. Waller and William Russell, lieutenants, Joseph Kidd and George Reid, ensigns.
[# 19]Ibid,. 9 Nov. 1775, p. 3
…The following gentlemen are appointed a committee to represent this city: James Southall, Robert C. Nicholas, John Tazewell, James Geddy, Robert Nicholson, William Pasteur, Alexander Craig, Humphrey Harwood, George Wythe, Benjamin Powell, Thomas Everard, Gabriel Maupin, James M. Galt, Edward Charlton, Joseph Prentis, Joseph Hornsby, James Hubard, William Goodson, Robert Anderson, John Mair, John Fergusson.
[Section IV, # 8]
Will of Peyton RandolphYork County Records, Wills and Inventories, XXII, 308-310.
In the name of God Amen I Peyton Randolph do make this my last Will and Testament. I Give and devise unto my beloved wife my dwelling House, Lots and all the Outhouses thereto belonging, in the City of Williamsburg, with the furniture of the same, and also my Chariot and Horses, and all her wearing Apparel rings and Jewels, all which Estates Real and personal I give to her, her Heirs, Executors and Administrators. I Give to my said Wife also little Aggy and her Children, Great Aggy and her Children, Eve and her Children, Lucy and her Children, to her and her Heirs forever. I Give to my Wife also the use and enjoyment of my whole Estate real and personal, not hereafter given away, during her natural Life. I Give to Harrison Randolph a Negro Boy called Casar, the son of Sue, to him and his Heirs forever. I Give to my Brother John Randolph two Negroe Boys, such as he shall choose out of my Estate, which have not been particularly disposed of to him and his Heirs, after the Death of my wife I give unto my said Brother all my Estate Real and Personal to hold the same during his Life, except my Man Johnny, whom in that Case I Give to my Nephew Edmund Randolph to him and his Heirs. And after the death of my Brother John I Give all the Estate devised to him for Life to the said Edmund Randolph his Heirs Executors and Administrators, subject Nevertheless to the payment of five hundred pounds to each of his Sisters Susanna And Arriana Randolph for the payment of which sums I allow him four years, after the Estate shall come into his Hands, he paying them Interest yearly for such sums as Remain unpaid. I do hereby empower my executors to sell my Books and Presses to pay my debts, and, if that is not sufficient, to sell so many of the Negroes as they think can be best spared from the use of the Plantations to answer that Purpose. I do appoint my Wife, my Brother John Randolph, and Mr. James Cocke Executors of this my Will. In Witness whereof I have set my hand and seal this 18th day of August in the year of our Lord 1774.
Signed Sealed Published and Declared by the said Peyton Randolph as and for his Last
Will (he being present at the [time] of this attestation) In presence of us
At a Court held for York County the 20th day of November 1775 This will was produced
in Court and the subscribing Witnesses
thereto not being to be had John Blair and Thomas Everard were sworn and Examined
who severally deposed that they are well acquainted with the Testators hand writing
and verily believe that the said Will and the Testators name thereto subscribed are
of his proper hand writing, and thereupon the said will was ordered to be Recorded
and on the motion of Betty Randolph and James Cocke two of the Executors who made
Oath thereto and together with John Blair and Nathaniel Burwell their Securities entered
into and acknowledged Bond as the Law directs Certificate was Granted them for obtaining
a Probat in due form Liberty being reserved for John Randolph Esqr. the other Executor
to join in the Probat when he shall think fit.
Thomas Everard, Cl. Cur.
[# 21]Inventory and Appraisement of the Estate of Peyton Randolph Esq. in York County taken Jany. the 5th 1776. York County Records, Wills and Inventories, XXII, 337-346.
|12 Mahogany Chairs £15 2 Mahogany tables £8||£23: :|
|1 Card Table £2 1 Marble Table £ 2||4: :|
|1 Side Board Table 20/ 1 Carpet 20/||2: :|
|4 looking Glasses £20 1 pr. Endirons £ 2||22: :|
|5 China Bowls £5 5 China Mugs 15/||5:15:|
|8 Dozn. red and White China plates £6 22 Do. dishes £5||11: :|
|1 Blue and White China Tureen 20/ 11 Blue & White dishes £4||5: :|
|4 Blue & White China Sauce boats 10/ 2 Do. Potting pots 15/||1: 5:|
|21 Custard Cups & Patty Pans 10/ 6 Scollop Shells 15/||1: 5:|
|12 Egg Cups 6/ 13 Blue and White Coffee Cups & Saucers 10/||:16:|
|18 Blue and White China Plates 22/ 5 Beer Glasses 5/||1: 7:|
|4 fruit Baskets 20/ 1 Queen China Mug & Sugar dish V||1: 2:|
|1 Marble Bowl 15/ 15 Water Glasses 30/||2: 5:|
|10 Wine Glasses 12/ 5 punch Do. 5/||:17:|
|1 Mahogany Tray 10/ 9 Decanters and 4 Baskets 25/||1:15:|
|1 ... Do ... Case containing 2 Bottles 25/||1: 5:|
|1 round-Mahogany table 26/ 1 plate Warmer 12/||1:18:|
|492 Oz. Plate @ 7/6||184:10:|
|1 Plate Basket and 2 knive Do. 10/ 3 1/2 doz. knives & forks £5||5:10:|
|1 Mahogany tea Board 7/6 Japand Waiters 10/||:17:|
|1 Chariot and 8 Harness||60: :|
|5 Chariot Horses £230 3 Cart Do. £25||255: :|
|1 Mare and Colt £40 1 riding Horse £30||70: :|
|1 Phaton £15. 5 Cows £20||35: :|
|2 Carts and 1 Tumbrill and Harness||20: :|
|11 Frying pans at 8/||1:13:|
|25 Bushels Salt at 3/||3:15:|
|A parcel Wool 40/ A parcel Hemp and Flax 10/||2:10:|
|A parcel Lumber in the Store house 20/||1: :|
|5 Bushels Malt 15/||:15:|
|4 old Scythes 10/ 1 Bedstead 15/ a Cross Cut Saw 15/||2: :|
|10 old Sacks 5/ A parcel of Tallow 25/ a pr. Stilliards 12/6||2: 2:6|
|a parcel Corks 50/ a pipe of Sower Cyder 40/||4:10:|
|48 Table Cloths-£46:15: 36 Towells £2:11:||49: 6:|
|9 Napkins 18/ 11 pr. Sheets £16/10 2 pr. Virginia Do. £2||19: 8:|
|6 pr. pillow Cases 15/ 2 Side Board Cloths 5/||1: :|
|A parcel Queens China Ware & Sundry Articles Sent to Wilton||5: :|
|A Sett of Ornamental China||£ 20:|
|1 doz: Mahogany Chairs||24: :|
|2 fire Screens £5 1 Card table £2||7: :|
|1 Wilton Carpet £10 1 Tea table 20/ 1 Do. 30/||12:10:|
|1 Sett China & Tea Board £3 1 Ditto & Do. 40/||5: :|
|1 Looking Glass £10 1 pr. Tongs, poker Shovel & Fender 20/||11: :|
|1 Black Walnut Press £3||3: :|
|5 Flax Wheels 2 Check Reels & 2 Common Reels||5: :|
|A dressing table and Glass £5 a Desk & Book case £7||12: :|
|6 old Chairs £3 1 Easy Chair 20/||4: :|
|A Small Cabinet & a parcel old China||2: :|
|A Fender & pr. Tongs 3/||: 3:|
|1 Sett old Blue damask Curtains 30/ 2 pr. Window Do. 30/||3: :|
|Sundry Articles in Mrs. Randolph's Closet||3: :|
|1 warming pan & pr. Scales & Weights 10/ 2 Spinning Wheels 15/||1: 5:|
|1 Coal Skuttle 5/ 8 Pewter dishes 40/||2: 5:|
|2 doz: pewter plates £3. A parcel old pewter 20/||4: :|
|3 Copper Kettles £15 8 Copper Stewpans £5||20: :|
|1 Safe 30/ 5 pales 10/ 2 fish Kettles and Covers £3||5: :|
|1 Bell Metal Skillet 15/ 1 Marble Mortar 20/||1:15:|
|1 small Marble Mortar 5/ 1 Brass Mortar 5/||:10:|
|1 Grid Iron 2 drypping pans & 2 frying pans 25/||1: 5:|
|3 Iron Potts 40/ 1 Tea Kettle 15/ 1 Do. 15/||3:10:|
|1 Jack, 2 Spitts and a pr. Kitchen Dogs||5: :|
|8 Stone Butter Pots, 7 Milk pans and 1 Stone jug 30/||1:10:|
|1 Iron ladle, 1 Chopping knife and flesh fork||5: :|
|23 Candle Moulds 23/ a parcel Old Copper and tin Ware 20/||2: 3:|
|11 Chamber Pots 3 Wash Basons, 35 Wine and 8 Beer Glasses||2:10:|
|2 dish Covers, 3 tin Kettles, 8 Sauce pans, 5 Cake Moulds & a Cullender||1:10:|
|A parcel Brooms and Brushes 20/ 4 Spades 20/||2: :|
|29 Hoes, 1 Chopping knife 6 Scythes & Stones & 3 Cuttg Knives||5: :|
|100 lb Brown Sugar 45/ 150 lb Coffee at 1/3 £9/7/6||11:12:6|
|part of a Box Glass 20/||1: :|
|35 yds Green Cloth at 10/ £12:10: 40 yds Cotton £5||17:10:|
|7 dutch blankets £3/10 loyds Crimson Cloth £7/10||11: :|
|About 30 yds Green planes at 2/9 £4/2/6 20 Ells Oznbr. 25/||5: 7:6|
|7 Sifters 9/ 4 pr. Coarse Shoes 24/ 3 Jack lines 9/||2: 2:|
|6 Flat Irons & a pr. Broken Dogs 12/ 1 pine Table 3/||:15:|
|A parcel Wine in Bottles containing almost a pipe||£ 60: :|
|4 Jugs 8/ 1 Butter pot 2/ A Box & 1/2 Candles 60/||3:10:|
|A firkin Butter 40/ 5 flasks Oil 10/||2:10:|
|30 Gallons Rum £7:10: A parcel Lumber 5/||7:15:|
|2 Soap Jars 15/||:15:|
|6 Mahogany Book Presses at 30/||9: :|
|1 Do. Writing Table £3 1 large Mahogany table £5||8: :|
|1 Round table 15/ 1 Paper Press 10/||1: 5:|
|1 Chaffing dish 5/ 1 dry rubbing Brush 3/||: 8:|
|1 Clock £5 1 pr. Back Gammon tables 10/||5:10:|
|1 old pine table 3/ 6 Mahogany Chairs 40/||2: 3:|
|1 Dressing Table Glass and Toilet||2:10:|
|6 Mahogany Chairs £6 1 Bed Table £1/10||7:10:|
|1 China Bason and Bottle 20/||1: :|
|1 Bedstead and Suit Cotton Curtains||15: :|
|1 Do. and Do. Virginia Cloth Do.||10: :|
|4 pr. Window Curtains 40/ 1 old Carpet 10/||2:10:|
|1 Sett Callico Curtains 50/ 5 Quilts £5||7:10:|
|1 Chintz Bed Cover £3||3: :|
|8 Feather Beds, 7 Bolsters & 9 Pillows||40: :|
|4 hair Mattrasses £6 10 Counterpanes £12||18: :|
|3 wool Do. £3 6 pr. new Blankets £9 7 old Do. £4||16: :|
|51 yards Irish Linnen @ 5/ £12/15 25 yards Ca Do. £6/5||19: :|
|1 ps. fustian Dimity 25/ 100 lb Wt. Sugar £7/10||8:15:|
|A parcel Sylabub & Jelly Glasses, 4 Salvers, 8 Water Glasses 22 Wine Do. and 3 Glass Candlesticks||3: :|
|1 Corner Cupboard & a parcel Physick||5: :|
|1 Japann'd Tea Board 5/ 3 Globe Candle Sticks 30/||1:15:|
|1 Screen 30/ a Trussel and 4 old Trunks 20/||2:10:|
|4 Mahogany Chairs £4 1 dressing Glass 30/||5:10:|
|1 Carpet 5/ 1 old Fender Shovel and Tongs 3/||: 8:|
|1 Bedstead & Suit Virginia Curtains and Window Curtains||10: :|
|A mahogany press £3||3: :|
|1 pine Table and Looking Glass 15/ 3 old Chairs 15/||1:10:|
|2 Bedsteads 15/ 1 Fender 5/ 3 Chairs 15/||1:15:|
|1 Bedstead 10/ 1 old Chest drawers 15/||1: 5:|
|1 Pine Table 5/ 1 Floor Cloth 20/ 1 passage Do. 8/||1:13:|
|5 Hoes, 1 Dung fork, 1 Garden Rake and Spade||:15:|
|1 Wheel Barrow 8/ 1 pr. Money Scales 10/||:18:|
|8 Doz: Bottles at 30/ Gro:||1: :|
|About 100 Bushels dust Coal||2:10:|
|A parcel old Casks and Tubs||:10:|
|1 Steel Mill||3: :|
|A Library of Books as per Catalogue||250: :|
|Johnny||£ 100: :|
|Little Aggy||60: :|
In Obedience to an Order of York Court dated the 20th of November 1775 We the Subscribers
being first Sworn before a Magistrate of Said City have Appraised the Estate of Peyton
Randolph Esq: as Wittness
Returned into York County Court the 15th day of July 1776 and Ordered to be Recorded
Thomas Everard, Cl. Cur.
The Appraisement of the Estate of Peyton Randolph Esq. decd. in Charlotte County.
|(Vizt.)||1 Negro Boy named Charles||60..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Harry||70..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Jamey||70..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Bobb||70..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Godfrey||70..-..-|
|1||Negro Man Do. Gabriel||60..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Peter||70..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Will||70..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Roger||80..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Jacob||80..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Blannum||90..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Eboe Sam||30..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. James||80..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Jack||100..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Jack Senr.||30..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Lewis||20..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Stepney||60..-..-|
|1||Do. Woman Do. Sarah||40..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Nancy||40..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Dilay & young Child||75..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Phillis||70..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Janey||80..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Bellow||80..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Sall||80..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Fanny||50..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Doll||60..-..-|
|1||Do.Girl Do. Avey||50..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Aggy||50..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Nanny||30..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Frank||30..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Lydia||60..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Sall||30..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Sue||35..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Noll||35..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Judy||30..-..-|
|1||Do.Boy Do. Mast||30..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Gabriel||30..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Lewis||15..-..-|
|1||Do.Girl Do. Betty||15..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Beck||15..-..-|
|1||Do.Man Do. Mingo||90..-..-|
|1||Do. Boy Do. Will||70..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Jenkins||35..-..-|
|1||Do. Do. Sam||20..-..-|
|19 head of sheep||9:10:|
|2 Yoke of oxen||14: :|
|70 head of Cattle||130: :|
|104 head of Hogs||41: 5:|
|1 Waggon and Gear||15: :|
|15 Reap hooks||:15:|
|2 Cotton Wheels @ 7/6||:15:|
|2 Flax Do.||1: 5:|
|5 pr. Cotton Cards @ 3/||:15:|
|1 Flax Hackle||:12:6|
|13 Grubing Hoes||2:15:|
|28 Broad Do. @ 3/||4: 4:|
|9 Trowell Do. 0 4/||1:16:|
|1 Sett Iron Wedges||: 7:6|
|15 Old Hoes||1:17:6|
|15 Hilling Hoes @ 3/||2: 5:|
|14 Narrow Axes||3:12:|
|8 old Broad Hoes||:12:6|
|1 Large Plow||1:10:|
|3 Frying Pans||: 9:|
|5 Tin Do.||: 6:3|
|11 hand Saw Drawing knife &c||:15:|
|A parcel old plough Irons||: 5:|
|4 Horses||47: :|
|½ doz. Earthen plates, Chamber pot & spoon||:12:6|
|140 Barrels Corn @ 7/6||52:10:|
|100 Bushels Wheat @ 2/6||12:10:|
|5 old Bags||:15:|
|1 Tobo. Hhd.||:14:|
|1 Wheat Sive||: 1: 6|
|2 Grind Stones||:11:3|
|A Quantity of Flax Broke & Unbroke||5: :|
|A Quantity of Tobacco Supposed 4 Hhds.||20: :|
|2 Corn Barrels||: 3:|
|1 Iron Pott & Churn||:12:6|
|2 Collars 1 Ox Yoke and Chain||1: :|
|1 Iron Pott||:10:|
|3 Bells 1 Iron Wedge||:12:|
|2 Frying panns||: 7:6|
|20 ½ lb. Spun Cotton||3: 1:6|
|2 lb. Not Spun||: 3:|
|3 ½ Cow Hides||1:10|
|8 head Small Cattle||5: :|
Pursuant to an Order of York Court bearing date the 20th November 1775. We the Subscriber
being first Sworn have appraised the above Estate of said Peyton Randolph Esq. decd
as Witness our hands.
Returned into York County Court this 15th day of July 1776 and Ordered to be Recorded
Tho. Everard Cl. Cur.
Inventory and Appraisement of the Estate of Peyton Randolph Esquire in James City County December 20th, 1775.
|Jenny and her child Jenny||70..-..-|
|Sue and her child Coy||65..-..-|
|10 Hogs and 5 Shoats||7:10:|
|5 sows @ 15/||3:15:|
|8 Shoats @ 6/||2: 8:|
|15 pigs @ 1/3||:18:9|
|7 Hogs @ 10/||3:10:|
|79 Head Sheep @ 10/||39:10:|
|3 Horses||20: :|
|2 Carts||5: :|
|A parcel old Hoes, Axes and Spades||2: :|
|1 Cross Cut Saw||:10:|
|1 Whip Do.||1: :|
|12 pewter dishes||3: :|
|6 Tin Milk pans||:12:|
|4 butter pots||:12:|
|297 Bbis Corn @ 8/||118:16:|
|95 Bushels Wheat @ 3/||14: 5:|
|400 Do. Oats @ 2/||40: :|
|94 head of Cattle||200: :|
|3 ploughs||3: :|
|3 Fluke Hoes, 1 Harrow, and a Drag Harrow||2: :|
|A parcel Tops, Shucks, and Straw||15: :|
James City, to Wit
In Obedience to an order of York Court dated Novr. 20th 1775 We the Subscribers being
first Sworn have Appraised the Estate of Peyton Randolph Esqr. in said County as Above.
Returned into York County Court the 15th day of July 1776 And Ordered to be Recorded.
Tho. Everard, Cl. Cur.
[# 22]Rice, Howard C., Jr. and Anne S.K. Brown, The American Campaigns of Rochambeau's Army 1780, 1781, 1782, 1783 (Princeton, 1972), I: 134 [1781, Journal of Jean-Baptiste-Antoine de Verger]
8 September Generals Washington, Rochambeau, and Chastellux went on ahead and arrived at Williamsburg, where they found the Marquis de La Fayette already joined by M. de Saint-Simon who had taken up a good position in which to await an attack from Cornwallis.
[# 23]Tucker-Coleman Papers
His [General Washington] Quarters are at Mr. Wythe's house - Aunt Betty [Betty Randolph] has the honor of the Count Rochambault to lodge at her House.
[# 24]Chastellux, Marquis De, Travels in North America in the Years 1780, 1781 and 1782. Translated by Howard C. Rice, Jr. (Chapel Hill, 1963), 2: 370-371
Three weeks later, on August 14, news of the impending arrival of the French fleet off Chesapeake Bay-not at New York removed all reasons for indecision and determined the plan of the subsequent campaign. On August 19 the French and American armies began preparations for crossing the Hudson and by the 24th they had started on their rapid southward march to Virginia. On the 29th Chastellux dined in Princeton with Washington, Rochambeau, and their entourage. On the 30th the cavalcade of generals reached Philadelphia, where the French Minister, La Luzerne, among others, offered the appropriate civilities. On September 5 Washington and Rochambeau parted company briefly-the former to take the land route to Head of Elk, and the latter to proceed by barge down the Delaware to Chester in order to view the river forts (as Chastellux had done the previous December). A few miles beyond Chester a dispatch-rider brought to the Commander in Chief the long-awaited information that De Grasse's fleet, with reinforcements aboard, was in Chesapeake Bay. Washington thereupon retraced his footsteps to Chester, where he joyfully greeted Rochambeau and his staff with the great news. On September 8, Chastellux rode into Baltimore. On the 11th he rested at Mount Vernon as Washington's guest. On the 12th he set out again in the company of Washington and Rochambeau, in advance of the troops, which were now being transported down Chesapeake Bay. By forced riding across Virginia, via Fredericksburg, Dumfries, Newcastle, and New Kent Courthouse, the three generals reached Williamsburg on the York peninsula in the afternoon of September 14. Saint Simon's French reinforcements, brought by De Grasse's ships from the West Indies, were already established there, alongside Lafayette's American infantry. At 4 p.m. twenty-one guns from the American artillery park fired a resounding salute to greet the new arrivals. Then the two armies turned out on their battalion parades to pay them honor.
On September 17, Chastellux set out with Rochambeau, Washington, Knox, and Duportail-the same who met together at Wethersfield for another decisive staff conference. This time it was with Admiral de Grasse, aboard his flagship, Ville de Paris, anchored off Cape Henry. Appropriately, a captured English corvette, Queen Charlotte, took the generals to their rendezvous, where they be held, as Washington wrote, "the most powerful fleet that ever appeared in these Seas." At the conference on the 18th plans for naval participation in the siege of Yorktown were decided upon. Due to contrary winds the conferees had a longer cruise than planned, and did not return to Williamsburg until the 22nd.
The trap was now set. On September 28, the allied armies began their march "for the investiture of the enemy at York," as Washington phrased it in his diary. On the 30th the enemy abandoned the exterior works and retired within the town. Preparations for the siege then began. This was war according to the book, as the French officers knew it, not border warfare or forest skirmishes.
From Edmund Randolph
RC (LC: Madison Papers).
RICHMOND April 19, 1782.
I derive the sincerest pleasure from the prospect, which your punctuality of correspondence presents. I could not begin my part of our intercourse by letter until the last week: but the obstacles must be invincible, which shall prevent me from a weekly return in future.1
Our maritime code requires a small alteration. From the deference, which we paid to the ante-confederational institutions of congress, we were led into one,2 which may produce discontent, and probably goes beyond our power. A vessel, when seized, may be carried according to the late ordinance into any court of admiralty.3 Justified by this law, a privateer brought a few weeks since into our admiralty, a prize, made within the jurisdiction of North Carolina.4 I say, that it was made within the jurisdiction of North Carolina, not because this was a point confessed, but because the court considered it as proved; and proceeded on it as a fact. The owner of the captured ship pleaded that she was not triable here. This objection, after a solemn argument, was overruled. Governor Burke being highly inflamed at this procedure, demanded restitution from our executive. They "being," as Mr. Harrison expressed their imbecility on a former occasion, "the poorest and most impotent executive throughout the continent,"5 could not interfere in any forensic business; whereby the law was left to its operation, and condemnation took place. Mr. Burke repeated his demand of restitution, and threatened reprisal. The answer to his menace was mild and decent but representing the danger, and confusion, which would flow from such a measure. This unlucky affair occurred before my arrival at this place, and therefore I retail it to you upon the information Of another, which does not appear very distinct. However it rests here for the present. Upon these facts I submit the following queries:
The old solution for high prices, to wit a great demand, and a scanty supply, can scarcely account for the exorbitancy of every thing of foreign growth offered for sale here. For 1. goods are not so scarce, as to warrant a merchant to bring cloth from Phila., which is sold there for £3. by the yard and selling it here for 15 dollars: 2. money is so confined in its circulation, and credit for merchandize is so generally refused, that the number of buyers is small. I cannot but suspect, that paper-money will have a resurrection under some form or other.7 It is talked of with much earnestness in certain parts of the country. As I do not know, in what garb or light this fiend of darkness is to be clothed, I shall not execrate it, as yet.
I can assure you, that I return to the law with a species of sorrow. It is not often, that I lament my want of patrimony; but, when obliged to exchange a pursuit, liberal and extensive, like politicks, for reports and entries, I surely do not commit an unpardonable Sin in reprehending deletedflection paves the way for an answer to your invitation to Phila. I must recover, what I expended there, and see a firm establishment for our support, before I set my face northwards. Let the assembly provide funds; I shall have immediately a violent conflict with prudence.9
Can you send me a copy of the examination of the Connecticut claim?10 I believe, that I shall say something in print upon the territorial rights of Virginia, if the legislature shall not adopt the better measure of forcing Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Mason to undertake the work.11
Adieu my dear friend.
Pray contrive me a paper every week. I will send you the subscription by Mr. F. Webb, who will visit you soon.12
A List of the number of White and Black Persons within the City of Williamsburg taken pursuant to the Act of Assembly for that purpose [May 1782 Act in Hening, Statutes at Large, 11: 40-41] Virginia State Library, photocopy in Research Dept.
[Section IV, # 8]
1782-1861 [Section IV, # 12]William T. Hutchinson and William M. Rachal, eds., The Papers of James Madison (Chicago, 1969), 6: 184-185
From Edmund Randolph
RC (LC: Madison Papers). Letter unsigned but in Randolph's hand. Cover addressed to "The honble James Madison jr. esq of congress Philadelphia. To go by the post." Docketed by JM on the right margin of the cover, "Richmond Feby. 1st. 83," and on the left margin, "Feby. 1. 1783."
Pettus's1 NEAR RICHMOND Feby. 1. 1783.
MY Dear Friend
The death of my aunt2 unfortunately furnishes me with an apology for the late omissions in my correspondence. At this moment I am just returned from Wmsburg, and from the hurry of the post and the labour of getting a letter sent from hence to the mail thro' a snow-storm, I can barely acknowledge the receipt of your great favors of the 7. 14. & 22. Ulto.3
So deeply am I impressed with the dismal effects of refusing the five per cent,4 that if I could accommodate some violent altercations, in which I am involved by the failing of my uncle's estate into my hands and I supposed that incessant efforts would accomplish its revival, I would go into the assembly. But a curious incident has happened to me; my father, who is an alien, having an interest for life in the estate before it of right belongs to me, and his creditors, numerous and greedy, are pressing hard upon me for a delivery of the property to their use. Now if the laws were to justify me in the most exclusive appropriation of those funds to my own use, I would not so apply them: but I cannot bear the separation of negro-families. I have therefore taken a middle mode, to offer the creditors the neat profits during my father's life, These deductions added to the certain necessity and obligation of supporting his family, will incumber me immensely. However if I can make a fortunate compromise, I may afford to resign my office and will go into the legislature.5
Our court of admiralty continues in its abhorrence of british goods. A flag vessel was fitted out from this state for carrying Colo. Simmons's tobacco to New York and on her return took in a few, very few trifles, But their insignificance did not protect them. No law exists for the condemnation of the vessel, and therefore she was acquitted.6
I wish, that our state would recollect the importance of providing for continental as well [as] local pay of officers. A large number of horses are to be sold and the warrants of the military officers of the state are to be received in payment, as I am informed. There is certainly much justice in this: but the grant of the 5 pr.ct. would render the Public conduct one consistent plan of justice.7
In a conversation with McClurg, I mentioned the late arrangement, which was on the point of taking place, and prevented only by a critical retender of Mr. L's services. Modesty would not suffer him to be direct; but it is clear, that he would be inlisted into public service.8 This winter will probably give a turn to his studies into the channel of politicks.
Be so good as to inform Dr. Shippen, that the death of Reuors put a stop to the suit of Cuthbert for a little time but that it is now going on with the fullest vigor, and shall in no manner be neglected. He has left property, I believe, sufficient for the debt.9
Virginia Gazette, And Weekly Advertiser (Nicholson and Prentis, Richmond), February 15, 1783, p. 4. The same advertisement appeared in The Virginia Gazette, Or, The American Advertiser (James Hayes, Richmond), February 1, p. 3; 8p; 15, p. 4.
TO BE SOLD, By public auction, in Williamsburg, on Wednesday the 19th of February next, The houses and lots of the late Mrs Betty Randolph, deceased, together with a quantity of mahogany furniture, consisting of chairs, tables, mahogany and guilt framed looking glasses, and desks, a handsome carpet, a quantity of glass ware and table china, and a variety of other articles; also kitchen furniture complete. The above mentioned house is two story high, with four rooms on a floor, pleasantly situated on the great square, with every necessary outhouse convenient for a large family, garden and yard well paled in, stables to hold twelve horses, and room for two carriages, with several acres of pasture ground. Twelve months credit will be allowed for all sums above five pounds, on giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. The EXECUTORS.
[# 29]Will of Mrs. Betty [Peyton] Randolph
In the Name of God Amen I Betty Randolph do make this my last Will and Testament June 1st 1780. I give to Edmund Randolph, Esq; Nephew of my dear departed Husband, the family Picture[s?] the Silver Chafing Dishes the 4 New Silver Salt Cellars the Silver Cup and 2 Silver Waiters. I also give him the Suit of Yellow Printed Cotton Curtains, the Bed, Bedstead, and Blankets thereunto belonging the Clock, and his uncles Seal which I wear to my Watch. --I give to my Nephew Harrison Randolph the Silver Cruet frame Table Spoons, Soup ditto, Punch-Strainer ladle the four old Silver Candlesticks 2 old Silver Salt cellars the Cross the China Bowls the Tea set of India China all the House Linnen and half the Beds with Blankets &c.
I give to my Niece Elizabeth Harrison who lives with me the new Tea Spoons 4 Silver Saucers all my wearing Cloths my minature Picture of my dear Husband my Watch and the Treasury Bond of the United States for Ninety Pounds now in the House-I give to my Niece Lucy Burwell the set of Chelsea Tea China, as a token she is not forgot. I give to my Nephew Peyton Randolph the Silver Coffee Pot for the samp reason. I give to my Nephew Benjamin Harrison of Berkley 4 Silver Candlesticks called the new ones which were given me by my grandmother Harrison I also give him a Mulatto Woman called little Aggy, her Daughter Betsy her son Nathan to him and his heirs forever. I also give him the other half of the beds Blankets and Curtains.
I give to my Nephew Carter Harrison of Berkley a Mulatto Boy named Wat, to him and his Heirs forever. I give to my Niece Ann Coupl and a Negro Woman named Eve and her Son George to her use and after her death to her Heirs. I give to my Niece Elizabeth Harrison who lives with me a Girl named Kitty, daughter of little Aggy to her use and after her Death to her Heirs. I give to my Niece Elizabeth Rickman a Negro Woman called great Aggy to her use and after her Death to her Heirs. I give to my Niece Lucy Randolph Daughter of my Sister Necks a Molatto girl named Charlotte to her use and after her death to her Heirs. I give to my Nephew Harrison Randolph a Negro Woman named Lucy, and her Children, to him and his Heirs forever.
I have in the loan Office of this Commonwealth the sum of Nine hundred Pounds which
I dispose of in the following manner, five hundred Pounds I give and bequeath to my
Niece Elizabeth Harrison who lives with me. One hundred to her Sister Ann Harrison,
One hundred to Sarah Harrison, daughter of my Brother Benjamin Harrison, One hundred
to Ann Harrison daughter to my Br. Charles Harrison, and One hundred to his daughter
Betty Randolph Harrison. My Will and desire is that the House and all the Lots in
Williamsburg given me by my dear Husband together with the furniture not particularly
given away, Chariot, Waggon & Horses in town, and all the Estate I shall die possessed
of not particularly disposed of may be sold, and after paying my debts (which I design
shall be very few) the Money arising from the sale thereof may be divided into two
equal parts, the one half I give and bequeath to my Nephew Harrison Randolph, out
of the other half I desire forty Pounds may be divided among the Servants that shall
attend me in my illness as they shall deserve, the remainder to be divided into Six
equal parts to be given to Six Persons here after mentioned Viz.
Peyton Harrison, Son of my Br. Carter Harrison, William Harrison, Son of my Br. Benjamin,
the youngest Son of my Br. Nat, the youngest Son of my Br. Charles, and the two sons
of my Br. Robert Harrison. If either of my Br. Roberts sons should die before the
Age of twenty One the Survivor to take both his own and his Brothers part. My Will
& desire is that the Heirs of my, dear & honored Husband (by whose bounty I have been
enabled to make these bequests) may be put-to no inconveniency by my heirs, for which
reason I desire the Carts Waggons & work Horses on the Plantation & tools for the
use of the Plantations tho purchased by me may not be looked on as part of my Estate.
I also desire A sufficient quantity of Corn and fodder may be left on the Plantations
for the use of the Negroes & Stocks. I also direct that whatever Cloths, or materials
for making Cloths for the Negroes, that shall be found in the House shall be given
up for that purpose. If I should have any Money in the House or Treasury not already
given away I give it to Harrison Randolph. I have lent the Estate Money as Mr. Cocks
receipt & Books will show to the amount of One hundred & thirty Pounds which I design
should be laid out in a monument to the memory of my dear and blessed husband. My
Will & desire is that the above Sum of One hundred & thirty Pounds due from the Estate
be paid to Edmund Randolph esqr. he giving Bond to my Executors to put up a monument
in the Chapel of Wm. and Mary College opposite to that of his grandfather Sr. John
Randolph (which I have been informed cost about that sum) as soon as possible, he
is to pay no Interest for the money only to lay out the sum of One hundred & thirty
pounds. My Body which I had almost forgot I desire may be put in the Vault in the
College Chapel in which the remains of my blessed Husband are deposited, with as little
ceremony & expence as possible, as being there is the summit of all my wishes with
regard to this World & that the expences of the funeral may be paid before the division
is made. My share in the Wmsburg factory I give & devise to Harrison Randolph, my
Books to his Sister Lucy Randolph. I do appoint my Brother Benjn. Harrison, my Nephew
Benjn. Harrison & my Nephew Harrison Randolph Exors of this my last Will & Testament.
In witness whereof I have set my hand & Seal this 23d day of October in the Year of
our Lord 1780.
Betty Randolph (seal)
signed sealed & declared by the said Betty Randolph to be her last Will in presence
Rachel Whitaker, Sally Singleton
1782 July 20th. A Codicil to the above Will. Whereas Eve's bad behavior laid me under the necessity of selling her, I Order and direct the Money she sold for may be laid out in purchasing two Negroes Viz; a Boy & Girl, the Girl I give to my Niece Ann Coapland in lieu of Eve, in the same manner that I had given Eve. The Boy I give to Peyton Harrison--Son of my Brother Carter Harrison, to him & his heirs forever. I have lent Charlotte to my Niephew Harrison Randolph during my life. As he will perhaps be at some expence in raising & maintaining other Children she may have as a gratuity I give to him & his Heirs forever her son called Thomas Prouce. I have given in my Will, forty Pound Paper Currency to be divided among the Servants, instead of which I Order Ten Pounds of the Money found in the House to be divided as afore directed. I also order Twenty Pounds out of the same Money to be given to my Niece E Harrison if she should be living with me at the time of my death in order to enable her to pay her Expences to some friendly roof. I think I have express myself with regard to Thomas Pruse in A manner that may leave room for a dispute to prevent which I declare my Will is that Harrison Randolph is to have the said Thomas Pruse at all events, I give to my Niece Eliza. Harrison my dressing Table and Glass that stands in my Chamber and the Cabinet on the Top of the Desk.
This Codicil was signed, Published and declared to be part of the last Will of the
said Betty Randolph in presence of us
At a Court held for York County the 17th day of February 1783
This Will was proved according to Law by the Oaths of Rachel Whitaker & Sally Singleton the Witnesses thereto & the Codical thereunder Written was also proved by the Oaths of John Blair and James Madison the Witnesses thereto and Ordered to be Recorded. And on the Motion of Benja. Harrison jr. and Harrison Randolph two of the Executors in the said Will named who made Oath thereto and together with Abraham Archer and John Nelson Gent their Securities entered into and acknowledged Bond as the Law directs Certificate was granted them for Obtaining a Probat in due form Liberty being received for Benjamin Harrison (the elder) the other Executor therein named to join in the Probat when he shall think fit.
Ms. Cary DCYC
[#30]York County Deed Book VI, 169-171
This Indenture made this twenty first day of February in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty three Between Benjamin Harrison the elder, Harrison Randolph, and Benjamin Harrison Junr., Executors of the last Will and Testament of Betty Randolph deceased late of the City of Williamsburg of the one part, and Joseph Hornsby of the County of James City of the other Part. Whereas the said Betty Randolph did by her last Will and Testament bearing date the first day of June in the Year one thousand seven hundred and eighty, among other Things devise her Houses and Lots in the City of Williamsburg (which were devised to her by her late Husband Peyton Randolph) to be sold by her Executors, as by reference being had to the said Wills recorded in the County Court of York will more clearly appear and by virtue of which Devise, the Executors before mentioned did on the [ ] day of February past proceed to sell the same at public Auction after having given notice of such sale, and the said Joseph became the highest Bidder and Purchaser for the Sum, of Eighteen Hundred and twenty Pounds Current Money.---Now this Indenture Witnesseth, that the said Benjamin Harrison the Elder, Harrison Randolph and Benjamin Harrison junior for and in Consideration of the said Sum of Eighteen hundred Pounds Current Money to them in Hand paid for the Use, mentioned in the said Will, the receipt whereof they do hereby acknowledge and thereof doth acquit and discharge the said Joseph, Hath given, granted bargained, Sold, alien'd Enfeoffed and confirmed, and by these presents doth give, grant, Bargain, Sell Aleine Enfeoff and confirm unto the said Joseph all those Lots or half acres of Land with the Tenements, and appurtenances thereunto belonging, lying and being in the City of Williamsburg whereon the said Betty Randolph lately resided and bounded by the Lots of John Paradise and Lewis Burwell on the East Side by the Street denoted and called [ ] in the plan of the said city and dividing the Tenement of John Blair now in the occupation of James Madison from the said lots on the West by the Street called and known by the Name of Scotland Street on the North and by the market square on the South side together with six half Acre Lots denoted in the plan of the said City by the figures 179, 100, 191, 182, 183, and 184 which were conveyed to Peyton Randolph by William Robinson and Elizabeth his Wife of the County of King and Queen and by Peter Randolph of Wilton in the County of Henrico, as by reference being had to the said Indentures will more fully appear and which said Lots were devised to the said Betty Randolph by her deceased Husband, and by the said Testatrix devised to be sold: and the Reversion and Reversions, Remainder and Remainders Rents Issues, Profits and appurtenances whatsoever to the same belonging or appertaining and all the Estate Right, Title, use trust Interest, claim and demand whatsoever of them the said Benjamin Harrison the elder Harrison Randolph and Benjamin Harrison Junior or either of them of in and to the same or to any part thereof, and all Deeds, Evidences, and writings touching or concerning the same. To have and to hold the said Lots and Tenements with their appurtenances before mentioned to him the said Joseph, his Heirs and assigns to the only proper use and Behoof of him the said Joseph his Heirs and assigns for ever.
In Witness whereof the parties to these presents have hereunto set their Hands and
affixed their Seals the day and year above mentioned Sealed and Delivered in the Presence
Benjamin Harrison (Seal)
Harrison Randolph (Seal)
Benjamin Harrison, Junr. (Seal)
Carter B. Harrison
Thomas B. Dawson
William Nelson Junr.
At a Court held for York County, the 21st day of July 1783. This Indenture was proved by the Oaths of David Jameson and William Nelson junior
Witnesses thereto and at a Court held for the said County the 18th day of August 1783 the said Indenture was proved by the Oath of Thomas Dawson another Witness thereto and ordered to be Recorded.
William Russell D.C.Y.C.
[Section IV, #8, 12]
1783-1861 [Section IV, #13]
1784 [Section IV, #10, 12, 13]
1784-1786 [Section IV, #14]
1785 [Section IV, #12]
1786 [Section IV, #6, 7, 12, 13, 14]
1787 [Section IV, #7, 12]
1788 [Section IV, #7, 12, 13]
1789 [Section IV, #7, 12, 13]
[# 31]Blair, Banister, Braxton, Horner, Whiting Papers, 1760-1890
I hasten to assure her of my unalterable affection & at the same time to express my surprise that Lettrs Polly Peachy & myself wrote from Amelia shod never have reach'd [illeg.] they contained accounts of our dear Polly's safe delivery of two charming Daughters, their names Elizabeth Griffen & Sarah Blair after their Grandmothers - who with the two Grandfathers, Jenny Blair & yr Chare. - acted as Sponsors.
1789-1791 [Section IV, # 15]
1790 [Section IV, # 7, 12, 13, 15]
1791 [Section IV, # 7, 12, 13, 15]
1792 [Section IV, # 7, 12, 13]
1793 [Section IV, # 7, 12, 13]
1794 [Section IV, # 7, 12, 13]
1795 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1796 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
[# 32]Mutual Assurance Society Policy # 178
[21 April 1796]
I the underwritten James Henderson residing at Williamsburg in the County of York do hereby declare for Assurance in the Mutual Assurance Society against Fire on Buildings of the State of Virginia, established the 26th December, 1795, agreeable to the several acts of the General Assembly of this state, to wit:
My wooden Buildings fronting the Court house Square at Williamsburg now occupied by myself situated between the lott of St. Geo. Tucker and the Lott of Jos. Hornsby, in the county of York.
1797 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
David Meade Letters
University of Virginia Library
typescripts Research Dept.
[David Meade, Chaumiere des Prairies to (Joseph Prentis, Jr. or Sr. of Williamsburg ?), 13 June 1797]
It has not been until within a few days past that the certitude of Mr. Jo: Hornsby's being in Kentucky has been made manifest to us.
[21 Feb. 1798]
Planted in the 4th Row 35 Apple seed beginning at the west side the Bed to a Stick #1, next in the same Row planted superfine Sicilian Grape seed from WH [William Hornsby ?], they came originally from the Garden that was formerly mine in Wmsburg.
[6 March 1798]
Sow'd on the first west long Bed as you enter the Garden the Bed is 6 feet wide 4 feet Early Yorkshire Cabbage seed (did not vegitate Apr 24th) from Bellett's, next 2 rows fine cabbage lettuce seed (did not vegitate Apr 24th) saved in Wmsburg 1795
Next 2 rows Ice Lettuce seed from Wm Hornsby 97 next 2 rows Cress seed from WH 1797 next 2 rows Cress Seed saved (not one of the Cress seed vegetated Apr 24th) in Wmsbg No. 6 [bag number], next 3 rows Salmon Raddish seed from Bellett, next three Rows turnip rooted Raddish seed from Bellett. The 24th Apr the Raddish seed vegetated but was kill'd by the frost.
[16 March 1798]
Planted the North Asparagus Bed East side the main walk with 4 Rows plants at 1 foot distant in the Row, the Seed came from my Garden in Wmsburg, sow'd here last Spring & the plants were the best I did ever see.
Planted the South Asparagus Bed East side the main walk, with 4 Rows Roots at 1 foot diatt. in the Raw, the seed came from Mr. Bellett's Wmsburg which he calls the large Dutch Asparagus, the Plants were very fine.
1799 [Section IV, # 12, 13]Thomas Griffin Peachy Memorandum Book, 1796-1810
August 10, 1799 gave my Bonds to Samuel Tyler
|1 payble April 15, 1800 at||£290.|
|2d payble Octr. 15, 1800 at||290|
These Bonds given as a consideration for the Lotts & Houses in Williamsburg-purchased by him for me of George Carter, the House wherein Carter now lives & wch. were formerly John Byrds-- also for a 151 acres of land in York County lying 3 or 4 Miles from Wmsburg, wch. Carter purchased of John Coke
[Will of William Samuel Peachy, dated 20 Dec. 1799]
Photo of hand-written sheet
[# 39]Blair, Banister, Braxton, Horner, Whiting Papers, 1760-1890 Swem Library, College of William and Mary [Charlotte Balfour at Elmwood to Mrs. (Eliza) Whiting at Bull Run, Prince William (County), postmarked "Wmsbg., 17 Aug."]
During my absence my dear Polly Peachy moved to Williamsburg and could I express it to you I would [illeg.] the delight I experienced on finding her fixed near me.
[# 40]William Armstrong Crozier, ed.
PEACHY, THOMAS GRIFFIN, City of Williamsburg, 28 Nov. 1802, Dau-in-law Mary Monro Peachy wife of my deed. son Wm. Samuel; my granddaughters; Mr. Cary grandfather of my little girls; my late wife Eliz. Peachy; my grandsons; granddau. Mary Cary Tabb. Codicil, June, 1807.
[wills taken from Chancery Court of Williamsburg records since burned]
[# 41]Blair, Banister, Braxton, Horner, Whiting Papers, 1760-1890 Swem Library, College of William and Mary [M. M. Peachy, Williamsburg to Mrs. Eliza Whiting at Enfield, Pr. Wm. Col]
My life for the last two years has had few pleasures I greatly fear I too shall meet with a sad loss at no great period. My Father Peachy declines fast-- sad and lonely indeed shall we feel if my predictions are veryfied & I know not the being that we can in Wmsburg claim as a Friend. We have been so unsuccessful in Farming that we have broke up our Plantations & hired out our Negroes had this been done sooner it would have been better for us all. My Betsy tho 15 looks like a Girl of 13 & will be very small. Polly is rather taller, & will I think make a pretty Woman -- they have both sweet tempers & I would not have you think my Bet not passable, tho her Sister is handsomer.
[#43]Ibid. [Mary Monro Peachy to St. George Tucker, 13 May 1807]
Photograph of letter - May 13, 1807
Second Page of letter - May 13, 1807
[#44]Ibid. [St. George Tucker to Mrs. Peachy, 19 May 1807]
Photograph of letter - May 19, 1807
[#45]Ibid. [Thomas Griffin Peachy to St. George Tucker, 21 May 1807, and copy of Tucker's reply]
Photograph of first page of letter - May 21, 1887
Photograph of second page of letter - May 21, 1887
[#46]Ibid. [Mary M. Peachy to St. George Tucker, 23 May 1807]
Photograph of letter - May 23, 1807
[#47]Ibid. [Thomas Griffin Peachy to St. George Tucker, 28 May 1807, and copy of Tucker's reply]
Photograph of letter - May 28, 1807
Photograph of letter - May 29, 1807
[#48]Ibid. [Indenture between Mary M. Peachy and Thomas G. Peachy, 29 May 1807]
Photograph of first page of letter - May 29, 1807
Photograph of second page of letter - May 29, 1807
Photograph of third page of letter - May 29, 1807
Photograph of fourth page of letter - May 29, 1807
Photograph of fifth page of letter - May 29, 1807
Photograph of last page of letter - May 29, 1807
[#49]Blair, Banister, Braxton, Horner, Whiting Papers, 1760-1890
[(Anne) B(anister) to Mrs. Eliza Whiting at Enfield, Prince William Co., 21 June 1807 - refers to Polly Peachy's marriage to Mr. Tabb and the premature birth of their child which left her very ill but she is now recovered and living about eight miles from Petersburg]
Her Mother with the rest of her youngsters are well, & happy in [illeg] at Mr. Peachy Seniors, in the house where Mr. Hornsby lived when you were here.
1809 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1810 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
Photograph of first page of letter - March 11, 1810
Photograph of second page of letter - March 11, 1810
[#51]Robert Anderson Papers
Photograph of letter - March 13, 1810
Photograph of second page of letter - March 13, 1810
Photograph of first page of letter - March 14, 1810
Photograph of second page of letter - March 14, 1810
[#53]Blair, Banister, Braxton, Horner, Whiting Papers, 1760-1890
Our Cousin Peachey is very well & also her Boys. Her charming Daughter Betsey is at present on a visit to her Sister.
[ # 54]Ibid. [A(nne) Banister, Amelia (County) to Mrs. Eliza Whiting at Enfield, Prince William County, 12 Sept. 1810]
Mrs. Peachy since the death of the old Gentleman, has taken in a few boarders; which enables her to keep a good House. I believe I before inform'd you, he had left all he possesed, to her for life.
Photograph of letter - October 8, 1810
[#56]Robert Anderson Papers
Photograph of first page of letter - January 4, 1815
Photograph of second page of letter - January 4, 1815
Photograph of letter - June 17, 1815
[# 58]Mutual Assurance Society Policy, # 1523
[28 June 1815]
I the underwritten James Henderson residing at Williamsburg in the county of York do hereby declare for assurance in the Mutual Assurance Society against fire on buildings of the State of Virginia, my buildings on the Court House Square now occupied by myself situated between St. George Tuckers lot on the west and Mary M. Peachy on the east in the County of York.
Photograph of letter - March 18, 1816
[#60]Ibid. [M.M. Peachy to St. George Tucker, 14 October 1816]
Photograph of letter - October 14, 1816
[#61]Robert Anderson Papers
Photograph of first page of letter - May 30, 1817
Photograph of second page of letter - May 30, 1817
Photograph of letter - October 14, 1818
Photograph of receipt - October 19, 1818
[#63]Page-Saunders Papers, Folder 1
Photograph of first page of letter - January 19, 1820
Photograph of second page of letter - January 19, 1820
Photograph of third page of letter - January 19, 1820
Photograph of fourth page of letter - January 19, 1820
Photograph of letter - September 1, 1824
Photograph of note
A description from Robert D. Ward, An Account of General La Fayette's Visit to Virginia in the Years 1824-25(Richmond, 1881), pp. 42-43:
After dining at York, he sat out at 2 o'clock, Wednesday afternoon [Oct. 20], in his barouche, attended by his suite, and others in carriages. He was attended to Williamsburg by the Governor and Council, the Chief Justice, the Secretary of war, Major-General Taylor and his aids, Brigadier-General Cocke and staff, Judge Brooke, Colonel Bassett, General Macomb, General Jones, of Washington; Captain Elliott, Colonel Roberdeau, and escorted by a battalion, under Major Butts. He arrived at Williamsburg at 6 o'clock, amidst merry peals of bells and the congratulations of its citizens. He was conducted to the residence of Mrs. Mary Monroe Peachy, which had been volunteered for his accommodation by that patriotic lady, where he was received by the Mayor and civil authorities, with an eloquent address, delivered by Mr. Robert Anderson, to which he made a neat and appropriate address, as follows:--
THE GENERAL'S ADDRESS.
"Your affectionate welcome, and the honorable expressions of your esteem, are the more gratifying to me, as I remember my old personal obligation to this seminary, the parent of so many enlightened patriots who have illustrated the Virginian name. Here, sir, were formed, in great part, the generous minds whose early resolutions came forth in support of their heroic Boston brethren, and encouraged the immortal Declaration of Independence, so much indebted, itself, to an illustrious Virginian pen. Those, and many other recollections, such as the efforts made by a colonial assembly of Virginia, in times still more remote, to obtain from the British Government the abolition of the slave trade, inspire a great respect for the college, where such sentiments have been cherished. I am sensible of the honor conferred on me by the adoption you have been pleased so kindly to announce, and I beg you, sir, and the other gentlemen of the college, to accept my most grateful thanks."
After visiting our college, and going to pay his respects to Mrs. Page, the widow of the late Governor Page, he sat down to dinner at the Raleigh Tavern, at which Colonel Bassett presided, assisted by J. A. Smith and Ro. McCandlish, as vice-presidents, at which there were many distinguished gentlemen--the Governor and Council, Chief-Justice Marshall, John C. Calhoun, Generals Taylor, Macomb, Jones, Brodnax, and Carrington, with their suites: Captain Elliott, of the navy; Colonels Peyton, Harvie, Mercer, George Hay, Major Gibbon, John Tyler, Dr. S. S. Griffin, Dr. S. Cotton, William T. Galt, Judge Brooke, Robert G. Scott, Dr. John A. Smith, Captain Ro. McCandlish, and others.
On Friday morning, the General left Williamsburg, at 10 o'clock, for Jamestown, where the steamboat Petersburg, with two navy barges, under the command of Captain Morgan, awaited him. He was met at Jamestown by a deputation from Norfolk, consisting of L. W. Tazewell, Thomas Newton, George Loyall, Walter Herron, B. Pollard, William B. Lamb, Esqs., and Dr. R. B. Starke, and was conducted on board, where a sumptuous collation was served. The effect of his reception on board, was enlivened by the fine band of the United States ship North Carolina.
[#65A]Richmond Enquirer (Richie & Gooch)
GEN. LA FAYETTE'S MOVEMENTS.
Our distinguished Guest entered Williamsburg on Wednesday evening, amid the sound of music and the illumination of the town. He was addressed by Mr. Robert Anderson on the part of the Committee of arrangement, to whom he returned an appropriate Reply. He was then conducted to the house, where Peyton Randolph, the first President of the old Congress, once lived.
On Thursday, about 11 o'clock, he was escorted to the venerable College of William and Mary, where he was addressed by President Smith-- to whom Gen. La Fayette returned the following handsome reply:
Your affectionate welcome, and the honorable expressions Of Your esteem, are the most gratifying to me as I remember my old personal obligations to this seminary, the parent of so many enlightened patriots who have illustrated the Virginian name. Here, sir, were formed, in great part, the generous minds whose early resolutions came forth in support of their heroic Bostonian brethern, and encouraged the immortal declaration of independence, so-much indebted itself to an illustrious Virginian pen. Those and many other recollections, such as the efforts made by a colonial assembly Of Virginia, in times still more remote, to obtain from the British government, the abolition of the slave trade, inspire a great respect for the college where such sentiments have been cherished. I am sensible of the honour conferred on me by the adoption you have been pleased so kindly to announce, and I beg you, sir, and the other gentlemen of the college to accept my most grateful thanks.
At 2 o'clock, he took a cold collation with Col. B. Bassett, Chairman of the Committee of Arrangement of York--and at 5 o'clock, partook of a public dinner at the Raleigh, given to him by the citizens of Williamsburg.
A letter from Williamsburg states, that after the dinner, the following scene occurred:
"We separated too early, I think, from this festive scene of feeling and enjoyment, but it was only to repair to another equally exhilarating. When our beloved guest retired from the dinner table between 8 and 9 o'clock in the evening, nearly all the company followed to his quarters at Mrs. Peachy's where a number of ladies assembled to see him, as in consequence of the rain, many had not sufficiently enjoyed that pleasure. Music being introduced, the company soon began to dance, and then commenced a scene of vivacity and delightful social intercorse which you must have been there to have any just idea of. La Fayette shone forth in the joy of his heart, and the sweetest grace of his manners. Some of the girls would kiss his hands, and he returned the compliment with large interest to the infinite diversion and delight of the company. Your two little Richmond nymphs came in for a full portion of this, and many of the pleasing attentions from him, and all the distinguished strangers present."
The next morning, he visited Greenspring, escorted by the Williamsburg Troop of Horse, and in the course of the forenoon he embarked at Jamestown in the Steam boat for Norfolk. We have no accounts of his reception there: except that her citizens had received him with open arms, illuminated the town on Friday night, and were to have entertained him at a public ball on Monday night. In the course of that night, Gen La Fayette was to take the Steam-boat for Richmond.
[#66]Mrs. E. Campbell to Mrs. Robert Hare. Hare Papers, American Philosophical Society
Williamsburg Ocr: 27th: 1824.
My dear Mrs Hare,
We are arrived in health & safety at home, and had the happiness to find my dear Daughters well. There have been several deaths in town,, but upon the whole there has been less sickness than usual. I am rendered uneasy at the small pox being only two miles from town, as my dear boys did not take the vaccination in Philad: but there is a Physician who has the matter, & he promises tomorrow to revaccinate them.
As I expected, all are in arms at Mr C. for wishing to leave the College. they have agreed tho, that for his families' sake, he is right. There are only 8 Students - and little prospect of a greater number. they have applied to us to board them, but we have declined doing so.
Dr Smith has given me his testimony for Mr C.which I inclose for Dr Hare to make use of if he thinks best to do so. it was written on a half sheet of paper for more convenient inclosing. I hope the election will take place on Tuesday next, and that Mr C. may be appointed. There is a Gentleman here who would supply his place in College.
Mrs Smith is recovered in her health, and desires her best regards to You. Mrs Tucker is much better, but not yet restored to health - she declares she will not reside here again.
Our Town was in a bustle at the arrival of Lafayette - my Elizath: was called upon to arrange his rooms, and the Dining room in the Raleigh Tavern, I am told she did it with very great taste. The General embraced my three Girls, & kissed them. (an honor on them alone.) Why, I know not-unless he was told they were Col: Griffin's Granddaughters.
I regretted not seeing you the morning we left Philade: yet, I had the satisfaction to hear that you were much better of your indisposition. I hope You are quite recovered. Accept our sincere regards, and present the same for us to Dr Hare.
Yours most affectionately,
[# 67]"The Annals of Williamsburg", an unpublished history of Williamsburg written by Cynthia Beverley Tucker Coleman c. 1875 (typescript from original in the Tucker-Coleman Papers, College of William and Mary)
In 1824 General Lafayette revisited the shores of America. In no part of the count was his reception warmer than at York Town and Williamsburg. The newspapers of the period are very full in their accounts. While the pageant at York Town has nothing to do with the annals of Williamsburg the temptation to make the following statement it too strong to be resisted.
"At York Town Genl. Lafayette received the unusual honour- indeed one greater than any previously paid in modern times- of having as his quarterguard sixty military officers from different parts of Virginia associated for the purpose, of whom one half had the rank of full Colonel.
On Wednesday afternoon October 20th 1824 Genl. Lafayette set out from York Town to accept the invitation accorded him by the Town Council and citizens to visit Williamsburg. Here preparations for his suitable reception had been in progress since September, all classes entering into a friendly competition to do him honour. A Committee of arrangements was formed. On the part of the Common Hall Dr. Jessie Cole, Robert Anderson and Dr. Thomas Griffin Peachy. On the part of the citizens Messrs. Tunstall Banks, John Blair Peachy and Dr. Samuel Stuart Griffin. Acting in unison right nobly, did they perform their mission. Mrs. Mary Monroe Peachy (nee Cary of Rochambeau memory) had offered her house for the occasion, other patriotic women begged to contribute to the adornment of his sleeping apartment. One sent a new mahogany bedstead another a dressing table and so on. These things used for a night by Lafayette have been handed down as precious relics of the Nation's guest.
Accompanied by the Governor, James Hampden Pleasants, the Executive Council, the principal Judges of the State and Chief Justice Marhsall, The Minister of War John C. Calhoun, Officers of the Army and Navy, escorted by Cavalry Companies, from Richmond, Petersburg and New Kent County and Williamsburg, the cavalcade reached its destination in a rain. The intended illumination of the Town and some minor parts of the programme were necessarily modified. The crowd assembled on Court House Green had to seek shelter in the neighbouring houses. The addresses of Welcome were made not on the Green as originally intended, but from the porch of Mrs. Peachy's house. That historic colonial porch has in these latter days given place to a tawdry gimcrack affair which is an offense to the eye and to good taste.
After Lafayette had made a suitable and appreciative reply to the expressions of good will and admiration which met him on every hand, the whole party adjourned to the spacious drawing room with its wainscotted walls and marble mantel near the ceiling over the capacious fire-place. Here under the light of an hundred candles., which softened the smiles of the beautiful women Genl. Lafayette held a reception. Among the ladies was Miss Eleana Southall quite famed for wit as well as beauty. "Abundant refreshments were served around" but their character has not been preserved. At ten o'clock the guests dispersed and left the weary traveller to seek repose under the canopy of the high-post bed-stead almost as difficult to scale as the redoubt at York Town. The next morning was spread for him an old Virginia breakfast, with its variety of breads, its oysters, and its game. Most of the strangers in the city partook of this "feast of fat things". At twelve o'clock the party visited William and Mary College where they were received by the President Dr. Augustine Smith and the professors. An elegant address of welcome was delivered by the President so says the chronicler of the time. It was intended that even the Sunday school children should take part in the pageant. A poem written by Miss Elizabeth Griffin Gatliff was to have been spoken by the ten year old daughter of Dr. Smith. Miss Mary D. Smith, recently of New York said, "I was but a shy child and at the last my heart failed me". The poem was left unsung. She also adds in one of her letters, "My sister and I were introduced by Col. Burwell Bassett-- a nephew of Mrs. Washington---to Genl. Lafayette, who shook hands with us, an honour I more fully appreciated in after years than I did at the time."
General Lafayette charmed his hearers by his encomiums on the College. There he held another reception and at two o'clock visited Col. Bassett at Bassett Hall, which still retaining the old name is now the interesting and charming home of Mrs. Israel Smith formerly Miss Rebecca Minturn of New York City. From the porch of this house the poet, Thomas Moore, is said to have first seen the fire-flies he afterwards wrote about in Norfolk. But this tradition must be accepted hesitatingly, since he had already lived and made love in Bermuda. Still he did come here and it seems en passant, that Tom Moore's stopping places, in point of number tread hard upon the heels of Washington's headquarters.
At five o'clock the party sat down to dinner in the Appollo Hall of the Raleigh Tavern. Besides the citizens about forty strangers were entertained on this occasion. The same worthy chronicler says of this dinner, "Morally and physically considered it was perhaps, the richest and most delightful ever enjoyed in Williamsburg. The dessert was uncommonly rich and elegant, the fruits and wines the best that could be procured." The entertainment was enlivened by a variety of airs from the band of the Petersburg Volunteers. Doubtless the haunch of venison, the saddle of mutton and surlion of beef were a startling revelation to the frugal Frenchmen of frog--eating France.
Some of the toasts drunk with much feeling and display of sentiment, though more than a trifle bombastic, are not without interest. As being the first in importance for such an occasion:
"Our illustrious guest, Genl. Lafayette who in the morn of his life embarked upon the tempestuous sea of American liberty and unappalled by the vivid lightning of British wrath, and the awful thunders of her power, magnanimously aided in conducting the almost shipwrecked ark of our newly constructed National Independence into the secure and tranquil haven of peace and happiness".
General Lafayette immediately after gave the following:
"The City of Williamsburg- May her happiness become equal to the grateful remembrance of an American patriot and the affectionate wishes of an old friend".
Then followed a toast to the United States Militia, which at this particular time may have a point. "The Militia of the United States. The deeds of Macomb and Jackson have proclaimed to Europe and to the world that free-born citizens, animated by the intrepid spirit of liberty, are armed with a force mighty and irresistible when disciplined and controlled by military genius, intelligence and bravery!"
General Macomb replied, "The perfect organization of the Militia. The Illustrious La Fayette can testify to their gallantry in the war of Independence while others owe their reputation to their exploits in the late War of 1812
"The Chief Justice of the United States as distinguished for his legal abilities as for the possession of pre-eminent genius, unblemished integrity, and the exalted confidence of his Country."
Chief Justice Marshall's toast in reply:
"The City of Williamsburg. Long the seat of government, it still remains the seat of science, of hospitality and good feeling."
Hon. John Tyler's toast (afterwards President of the United States) "our fellow citizen Gen. La Fayette adopted by Virginia, he revisits the home won by his Valour."
By John C. Calhoun- Secretary of War.
"The College of William and Mary and her illustrious sons."
Another regular toast.
"The Spanish patriots of South America. May their glorious efforts at emancipation from the ignominious yoke of degenerate Spain terminate in complete success, thus evincing to the world that there resides in man an elastic principle which may be kept down for a period of oppression and tyrant power, but which will ultimately rebound in the full magesty and energy of its strength."
In those days of chivalry no public occasion, was perfect without a toast to woman:
"The American fair. Freemen as we are we delight in the soft fetters which their native charms impose and kiss the light and tender pressure of the chains we wear.
"The World was sad the garden was a wild
And man the hermit signed till woman smiled."
The entertainment of Genl. Lafayette in Williamsburg closed with a ball in the Apollo Hall which was opened by the Gallant Frenchman with the winsome and fascinating wife of Dr. Thomas Griffin Peachy.
The next morning a deputation of gentlemen from Norfolk met Gen. La Fayette at Jamestown where two Naval barges and the steam-boat Petersburg under command of Capt. Morgan awaited the embarkation of General La Fayette and his suite on the broad waters of the historic James river.
To be continued if desired .
[#67 A]Webb-Prentis Papers
Joseph Prentis Esqr
Williamsburg December 20th 1825,
Your Letter of the 27th November came to hand a week after its date and this Mornings Mail brought me your last communication which I also found me unable to reply satisfactorily to your request and least you might for a moment entertain the belief that I have been unmindful of yourself & your dear Child I hasten to state some of the reasons of my silence - in the first place I have felt incapable of judging in so important a matter fearing in the event, it might not turn out as my heart would fondly anticipate and while my mind has been each day busily employed in weighing every circumstance, compairing, changing, & fixing all matters as in my poor weak judgement appeared to aid & binifite my dear Margaret Susan the evening of each day found as where I started In the morning - nevertheless I should have endeavoured to obtain from each Teacher the termes of their School had I been able to go out but the Weather has been generally bad since your Letter came which together with Marys confinement & my own indisposition has kept me at home except two visits I made a fortnight since to Mr T-rs it is still raining I have sent to Mr Anderson for his list of the various branches of female Education taught in his School with the price of tuition, His written answer I will copy at the end of my letter - I also wrote to Mrs Peachy to procure from Mr Morse the same, & to ask her termes of board &c, for a little Girl of 11 yrs old before this is closed I shall see or hear from Miss Anderson - I have not said for whom the applications are made that you may be entirely at liberty to fix as you approve- You my dear Joseph can better judge of the propriety of keeping your child a year longer at home than I can, would to God she could have the advantage of a good School & the protection of her Parents at the same time I have always disliked Boarding Houses for Girls but we must often yield to circumstances. The good Lady you mention I entertain the same opinion of that you do, but will her occupations leave her much time to attend to a boarder? & our beloved Margaret must have more youthful companions; & the latter I believe one of the most important considerations - namely the associates of our early Life--At Mrs P- she would as the best society in the place, & be more in company than in most of the houses here, but, again, that may be, & doubtless is a minor consideration in this case, for at least a year to come, not that I mean to infer that the same society does not visit at the other houses - perhaps tho confined to morning visiting - I certainly commend yoor determination to give your Daughter the best education In your power, even were you unable to do the like by the other Children, for the very reason you mention, but I hope my dear Joseph you will not be disappointed in any of your wishes towards them - as far as I have been permitted to judge, our dear Margaret will be a great comfort to yourself & yr good Wife & will I hope repay you for the very heavy expanse of Schooling I truly wish I could have the satisfaction of being her friend every moment in the day, as I should, were we in the same House. Yet be assured, poor an my counsil is, & as little worth; as far as in my power, while in the same Town she may, as well as her dear Parents, calculate on my beat services - of this I hope you are not now to be convinced- I shall consider it no small advantage to any one to be in the House with those Heavenly minded Christians Mr & Mrs Keith, & if your Child is fixed there I shall offer up my feeble prayers, that Heaven may ordain that even in this early morning of her Life, the "ground may at least be preparing to receive the good seed" so an in due Season it may bring forth much fruit- Miss A has two young Gentlemen (torn) with her but I have heard they intend to leave her, as she declines taking them to sleep in in the House. Margaret S. is I think at a fine age to learn everything, and I hope will make great progress is she comes to School- Mr Morse has added to our society his Daughter, a very sweet young Creature, whom he has brought to anoint him in his School - they both board at Mrs Peachys- My beloved Mary is still at home and her arm so far recovered as to be used a little [torn] to get to school. She sends her love to you with [torn) Mr S- & Robert are well & send good wishes to you all- And (torn) up the delightful hope of seeing you fixed in this Town? believe me my dear Joseph I thought unceasingly of yourself & dear family for several after your departure, & can but say I should rejoice to have you here, to enjoy your society whever I was here- I promise myself to see my friends on the E Shore sometime between this time & next summer- I wish you could go with me- My dr Brother in three score yrs & my beloved Susan as well as myself have been severely visited since we parted, & we know not how few may be the yrs of our pilgrimmage here-. Friday Morng 21st It is still raining &c I have not been able to get any but short written answers to my enquiries copied exactly on the other side in a few days I will write again if the weather will allow me to go out-I presume washing is not included in the board-I wish you wd say whether you would not like her to have a room to keep all her things in & retire to when her Lessons required Solitude-I wish you were her to talk all matters over-I shall hope to hear from you soon & if I can do any thing else- If you conclude to bring yr Child up, & should not approve all terms, &c it will be no disadvantage to either to return after this little excursion I have scratched in great haste therefore beg my Lr be destroyed may Heaven bless you all my dear joseph & make you love yr affect
|English Branches pr qrt||$10|
|Latin or French pr qrt||15|
|Music pr qrt do||15|
|Miss R Aanderson|
|For Board pr qrt||$25|
|For Board, (washing included) Pr qrt||$40|
|Mr Morse & daughter|
|*English Education pr qr||$10|
|Drawing, Painting, & working Muslin pr quarter||$5|
[#68]Robert Anderson Papers
Photograph of letter - April 17, 1826
[#69]Robert Anderson Papers, General Correspondence
Photograph of first page of letter - April 21, 1826
Photograph of second page of letter - April 21, 1826
Photograph of third page of letter - April 21, 1826
Photograph of insert
[Insert in 21 April 1826 letter]
1827 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1828 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1829 [Section TV, # 12, 13]
1830 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1831 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1832 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1833 [Section IV, # 12]
1834 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1835 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
[# 70]Tucker-Coleman Papers
Poor old Mrs. Peachy had a slight stroke of palsy a few days ago. Of itself it is trivial. But coupled with the rapid decay of her powers of mind & body, it may be considered as fatal.
[#71]Ibid. [Ibid., 10 January 1836]
Poor old Mrs. Peachy is getting about contrary to all expectation. I have not been there for a fortnight, and to Mama's only once for five minutes.
1837 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1838 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1839 [Section IV, # 12] 1840 [Section IV, # 12]
1841 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1842 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1843 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1844 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1845 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1846 [Section IV, # 12]
1847 [Section IV, # 12]
1848 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1849 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
[# 72]Wormeley Family Papers, 1671-1944
Boston 14th February 1849.
My dear Cousin
To morrow I commence my journey to Washington where I purpose to remain a fortnight and see the movements of the Drama there to be enacted by the Political Party now in the ascendant. I have duely received the several Journals you have been so good as to forward and hope that you have in like manner received those I have sent you from this quarter. I take with me several Books which I desire to present to you on the Agriculture of England and France; written by an American after four years examination of the system of those countries. You must address a letter to me Post Office Washington and point out to me the mode of their transmission to you. On my homeward Journey I passed dear Old Rosegill without landing owing to the long intermission of the Steamers between Fredericksburgh and Baltimore. The descent of the Rappahannoc was charming and while at the Wharf at Port Royal and under the windows of Mr Lightfoot's residence I felt the cordiality of my reception therein had I gone on shore. The Rivers of Virginia and rich Soil of their borders offer the greatest advantages of good living and a happy life with no other drawback, and that a black one which I fondly believe is destined to be obliterated. Let me but see a Plan adopted which would promise a successful issue in the long period of Century--I should then die happy.
Williamsburgh in its mournful delapidation affected me deeply. The residence of my great Grandfather Sir John Randolph [note: means John Randolph, "The Tory," who lived at Tazewell Hall] I found in perfect preservation as well as that of the lst President of the Congress of the U. S. his Brother Peyton. The celebrated Raleigh Tavern where so many political events had passed before the Revolution is closed. The College is a venerable Pile and among its first Directors appointed by the Crown I found the names of Ralph Wormeley and William Randolph. The first gave a large estate to the College and which I believe was a part of the original land of which your Property is now composed. Hold on to it as the Apple of your eye and let our Family preserve a local habitation and a name in the dear Old dominion. Our Winter here has been passed in great variety of dinners and balls to the heart's delight of my daughters. My Son joins us from England in April next to seek his Professional career in his native land and will come armed with such Credentials and under such auspices as ought to insure his success. Pray present me most affectionately to your dear Lady and to all relatives and friends around you.
Always your own affectionately
R R Wormeley
1850 [Section IV, # 12, 13]James City County Petitions, 1777-1861
To the honorable General assembly of Virginia the petition of the undersigned, Citizens of Williamsburg, respectfully represents. That, having been informed of the circulation of a petition to your honorable body, in this place, asking for the passage of a law restricting the term of service of the directors of the Eastern asylum, and believing that such a change will produce evil results, they respectfully ask that the prayer of those petitioners be not granted
Williamsburg 9. Dec. 1850
Remonstrance of certain Citizens of Williamsburg against sundry petitions praying a change in the mode of appointment & tenure of office of the Directors of the Eastern Lunatic Asylum,
G. W. Southall
Mrs Peachy asked me to lend her your receipt book to get the receipt for making tomato Catsap & I do believe she coppied every one for she kept it three days, they are knocking down the plastering over there up stairs and down.
Mr Custis has rented Dr. Peachy's house--Griffin declares it is not sold & I hear, has been talking a great deal about William. I hope the affair will soon be settled, for no doubt William feels very badly about it.
Mr Custis has commenced having Dr. Peachy's house prepared for his reception & hopes to be able to move early in December.
1851 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1852 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1853 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1854 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1855 [Section IV, # 6, 12, 13]
1856 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1857 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
1858 [Section IV, # 12, 13; V, #1]
1859 [Section IV, # 12, 13]
[ # 74 ]Weekly Gazette and Eastern Virginia Advertiser( Williamsburg: Lively), December 14, 1859
[Report of December 11th fire which destroyed the Raleigh Tavern and building to the west used as a store by William W. Vest and Richard W. Hansford]
Messrs. Vest & Hansford, were insured to the full amount, store house included, therefore their loss will be also comparatively small.
[# 75]Baker, Eliza (b. Williamsburg 1845),
Were the owners good to the Slaves:
Some treated 'em right tough, and some right good. They made you do what they wanted you to do, and If you didn't do what they wanted you to, they put you in their pocket.
What do you mean by "Put you in their pocket"?
That means the nigger trader would get you. Mr. Hansford was a nigger trader. He lived where Mr Ball lives now.
[# 76]Charles, John S.
There were no other houses in this lot except there was to the east of the Palace lot, on Scotland Street, a big brick barn and stable; evidently once being a part of the palace equipment. This disappeared years ago. The gate to the Palace farm, as the land to the northward was called, was at the eastern side of this big brick barn. On this farm were remnants of what had once been an oil factory.
[# 77]Ibid., p. 36
The old Peachy (or Hansford) house at the N.E. corner of England and Nicholson Streets is very old, and up to a few years ago, the house and premises had the same appearance as they did when "Mars" came on the scene of action here. These premises extended from Nicholson Street along England to Scotland Street, a short piece of which again puts in its appearance as the northern boundary of the old "Peachy" lot., which had for its eastern boundary, Queen St., which once ran north to Scotland Street, both of which have been long since closed to the public.
[# 78]Lee, Mrs. Victoria with Peticolas Lee
The house on the next corner, which is now owned by the Balls, was owned, then by the Hansfords who made there [sic] home there. The exterior appearance of this house, has not changed. However, most of the fine woodwork in the house was taken out by a Yankee named Dan, who bought the place soon after the war. Dan sold the paneling and old mantels, which ran up to the ceiling, to people in the North.
[Note: If Mrs. Lee is correct in remembering that a man named "Dan" once owned the property, perhaps she meant John Dahn owner from 1893-1897.]
[#79]City of Williamsburg, Deed Book 1 (1865-1883), 123-124
This deed made the 24th day of February A. D. 1868 between Richard W. Hansford, of the City of Williamsburg, State of Virginia, of the one part and Charles C. Hansford, of the said City and State of the other part Witnesseth: that the said Richard W. Hansford doth grant unto the said Charles C. Hansford the following property to Wit: All those lots of land with the houses thereon, in the said City of Williamsburg, Virginia, now held and occupied by the said Richard W. Hansford, conveyed to him by Archibald C. Peachy and Mary L. Wright and James L. C. Griffin, by deeds which were duly recorded in the clerk's office of the Hustings Court of the City aforesaid, bounded on the north by the lands of Robert H. Armistead, west by a Street leading to the courthouse green, South by the Said Green, and East by a lot now owned by said M. L. Wright and J. L. C. Griffin [the Grave Yard on the "Peachy lot " was reserved to said A. C. Peachy, when he sold to said R. W. Hansford] also all the Household and Kitchen furniture of the said Richard W. Hansford.
In trust to indemnify and save harmless William W. Vest, as Surity for the Said Richard W. Hansford to a Single bill under Seal to Robert F. Cole for Thirty Six hundred and fifty eight dollars and thirty seven cents dated 12th July 1859; and also to indemnify and save harmless the said William W. Vest as surity for said Richard W. Hansford to a single bill under Seal to Walker W. Vest and J. B. Cosnahan trustees of R. Lipscombe for Two hundred & thirty Seven dollars and two cents, dated the 28th day of December A. D. 1860; and also to indemnify and save harmless the said William W. Vest in any other debt for which he may be bound as surity for said Richard W. Hansford And for the further purpose of indemnifying and saving harmless the said William W. Vest as his surity, the said Richard W. Hansford doth assign transfer and set over unto the said Charles C. Hansford as trustee a debt due him by Mary B. Wills for Two thousand dollars with interest from the lst of January 1862 (for which he holds a single bill) the said debt to be collected by the said trustee Charles C. Hansford when required by the said William W. Vest and the proceeds applied to the payment of the before mentioned or any other debts, for which the Said William W. Vest is bound as Surity for the Said Richard W. Hansford.
Witness the following Signatures & Seals
R. W. Hansford (Seal)
Charles C. Hansford (Seal)
In Williamsburg Hustings Court Clerk's Office April 9th 1868
This day the foregoing deed of trust Was acknowledged in the office aforesaid by Richard W. Hansford a party thereto to be his act and deed and thereupon admitted to Record. "Four dollars worth U S R Stamps on this deed "
Wm H. Yerby C
1870Eastern Lunatic Asylum, Papers 1869-1874
Grove Cottage, Henrico Co.., Va.,
January 16, 1870
Hon. G. C. Walker,
Governor of Virginia.
My Dear Sir:
I have made a visit to the Eastern Lunatic Asylum, as one of the Military directors, and as it is next to impossible to secure enough of your time, free from interruption, to give you my impressions of its management, I have determined to commit to paper, for your perusal, such impressions and suggestions as have occurred to me.
Williamsburg, as you know, is a "finished city ," of some three or four hundred population, and is perhaps the only city in the civilized world, whose sane inhabitants are supported by the insane . For half a century past the inhabitants have been divided into two factions- the "ins " and the "outs ." The "outs" have always declared the "ins" to be public plunderers, feeding and fattening on that charity which was designed for the care and maintenance of the insane; and the "ins" have denounced the "outs" as an organized band of highwaymen, seeking every opportunity to surprise and rout the legal guardsmen of the State's alimony, that they might become possessed of the treasure.
After hearing, patiently, the charges of both sides, I made up my mind that both parties told me the truth, and that neither were to be trusted-and for the reason, that men are not apt to seek public labors, free of expense to the public, unless they see the place at which they can reimburse themselves, with interest. I would therefore advise a thorough re-organization of the "Directory", at the earliest practicable moment, taking at least "seven" of the "eleven" members from Richmond city, where you could confer with them at all times, and three or four from the vicinity of Williamsburg, to compose the Executive Committee, each of whom should be paid a liberal per diem, for their monthly meetings. But I would not put upon the Directory any Williamsburg man who had ever been connected, in the remotest degree, with the management of the Asylum. I am not prepared to charge malfeasance or fraud on all the old members many of them may have been good men- but good or bad, they have winked at constant violations of the State laws- they have permitted the squandering of the State's appropriations- they have played into the hands of Williamsburg sharpers, and have thus become mixed up with the public bleedings , til their official robes are not as pure and spotless as they should be.
To illustrate: In 1865-6, the firm of West & Hansford were part of the Asylum managers. Vest was President of the Directors, and Hansford the Treasurer of the Asylum. When the State appropriation of $60,000 was made, instead of being deposited in a Richmond bank, subject only to the order of the Directory, I learn that West & Hansford took possession of the entire appropriation, invested it in a stock of goods, furnished the Asylum at exhorbitant charges, opened accounts with the employees, loaded them with heavy tariffs, and thus absorbed the greater proportion of the appropriation. In '67 Peirpont attempted to get the Board to resign, but failing to do so, turned the matter over to Gen. Schofield, who had the management investigated, kicked them out for corruption, and appointed a military Board. (The report of the Committee referred to, will doubtless interest you.)p. 2
The Military Board seems to have been a decided improvement, but far from perfection, inasmuch as most of them were strangers, and readily became the prey of the Williamsburg leeches. Governed by a higher law than that of the State, they overlooked the statute in an essential point, and thus permitted a wrong not easily repaired. I will refer to it under its appropriate head.
Reaching Williamsburg on the afternoon of the 10th inst., I soon thereafter visited the Asylum buildings, and made as thorough inspection as my time would permit. Supposing that I had made my visit, on your order, the City was soon in consternation and past witnesses for the "outs" were all anxiety to interview me, but having other fish to fry, I only said shoo fly and passed on.
I was more than gratified at the neatness of all the wards, the cleanliness and cheerful appearance of the Lunatics, and their fondness for the Superintendent and his aids. The twelve additional cells in the basement of the female department are all that could be desired. They are dry, well ventilated, airy, and yet secure. The yards or exercise grounds for the females, have been improved by the removal of immense prison walls and the tile drainage acts charmingly. As far as I could judge, in my short stay, the Superintendent is the right man in the right place, and in a short time, if properly aided, will make the Eastern Asylum a model of its kind.
Meeting of Directors.
We met in the Asylum and proceeded to business. Learning that the pay roll for December had not been settled, and that the Treasurer, Chas. B. Fry, had failed to make his appearance, I made a hurried examination of such books as were to be had, as also the law governing the Asylum. I very soon discovered, that the law had been regarded as a dead letter by the Directory, the Treasurer having made his deposits, and drawn upon them at his pleasure. Suspecting, or rather fearing, that the Cashier of the first National Bank of Richmond, had been equally regardless of law, I made a motion which was carried, for the appointment of a committee to investigate the Treasurer's accounts, and to report at an adjourned meeting of the Board to be held in the City of Richmond on Thursday evening, the 13th inst.
Fearing the loss to Williamsburg of the use of the States appropriation, Col. B. S. Ewell made a motion to declare the office of Treasurer vacant, and to proceed to the filling of the vacancy, but this I opposed and succeeded in defeating.
After concluding the ordinary business of the meeting, we adjourned at 11o'clock, P. M., and the next morning, returned to Richmond.
The enclosed report of the investigating committee, marked KA, herewith enclosed, will show the result of my labors.
When we met on the night of the 13th, Williamsburg, through Ewell, Bright and Earle, made a big fight for the election of Hansford, who had been removed from office for violation of law, by Gen. Schofield, but I had not been idle, and readily beat them with a Richmond man, Mr. John C. Davis, who will do his duty faithfully. Mr. Davis has given bond for $20,000, and I have had resolutions adopted for the guidance of the Board, which will prevent defalcations in the future, if properly observed.
It may surprise you to learn that S. A. Smith, Cashier of the first National Bank got Hambrick to nominate him for Treasurer; but I opposed and defeated him, upon the ground that he had been instrumental in defrauding the Asylum, by failing to observe and enforce the State law.p. 3
[First words missing] the past. And now my impressions as to the future of the Asylum.
Amendments and Improvements.
Under the laws of Virginia, Lunatics can neither be received into nor discharged from the Asylum, until passed upon by the Executive Committee. This surveillance was necessary in England, two or three centuries ago when heirs to estates were declared lunatics and locked up in asylums, that others might enjoy their estates. It is useless now, and should be abolished. The Superintendent is the proper judge and he should decide, without the aid of a committee, and especially so, when the courts are compelled to decide each case before it reaches the Asylum.
The Asylum should be heated by steam, to do which will cost about $15,000. Grates and stoves are both expensive and dangerous, and should be abandoned. Under the present plan the sitting room of each ward is heated, and the patients, when not violent, may be kept comfortable- but when they become excited, and have to be confined in their rooms, they suffer greatly in cold weather. Humanity demands a greater regard for their comfort. When you visit this Asylum, I am quite sure you will see the importance of the steam heater, as well as the economy and safety to the patients and the buildings.
The present Gasworks are about played and must soon be renewed. The patern is an old one, and the expense of running it, heavy. The gasometer is not have as large as it ought to- holding only three day's supplies - and is worn out. The retorts are also burned out and must be renewed. At a rough estimate, the gas works may be made new for $5000, and would then save to the State more than double the interest of cost, compared with the present concern.
Such as steam drying room to the laundry, new carpenter shops, new or improved cells in the male department and beautifying the grounds, must be made, and the sooner the better.
Purchased of W. T. B. Milliken late Director, adjoins the Asylum Grounds, and may be made profitable Milliken, as I learn, gave $10 per acre for 150 acres, and about $35 per acre for 20 acres to square out the track. He then fenced in the land, cleaned it up, manured it, and put it under cultivation. Why he should have sold it, after all his trouble and expense, is an unexplained mystery. I understand that he was a director when he bought the farm, but resigned before he completed the sale. Disinterested philanthropy, pure and undefiled, doubtless prompted the sacrifice.
By reference to the Legislative appropriations of '56-'7-'57-'8-'58-'9-'59-'60, they were much heavier (gold value) than under military rule, and only confirms what I have said relative to the insane supporting the sane. The contract system, for purchasing supplies, is a heavy tax on the Asylum, and should be discontinued. A skillful purchasing Agent could readily save $50,000 per year, over the present system.
With a majority of the Board in Richmond, monthly meetings could be held under your eye-- and if this were done, peculation could be prevented.p. 4
I have written this, as you will perceive, in a hurried manner, and solely for your own eyes . In doing so I have had no axe to grind- no friend to reward, no enemy to punish. Through the kindness of the Superintendent, I have learned much, and you will learn more. I believe him to be able, faithful and honest, with no superior for his position. That he belongs to no faction, and was not born in Virginia, may be an unpardonable sin in Williamsburg, but as he is to be born again , perhaps he may select the old Dominion for that great event.
And now, my dear Sir, I have discharged a duty which I felt I owed you. If you can profit by my labor, I shall be well repaid. If you regard my labor as a waste of time, just consign these sheets to the waste basket, or the flames, and I shall not complain.
Sincerely your friend,
J. W. Lewellen.
1884 [Section V, # 2]
1893 [Section V, # 3, 4]
1897 [Section V, # 5, 6, 7, 8]
[# 81]The Virginia Gazette, pub. A Directory and Handbook of the City of Williamsburg and the County of James City, Virginia [c. 1898] advertisement inside front cover:
1919 [Section V, # 9, 10, 11, 12]
1920 [Section V, # 13]
1921 [Section IV, # 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24]
1924 [Section V, # 25]
1925 [Section V, # 26]
1926 [Section V, # 27]
1927 [Section V, # 28]
1929 [Section V, # 29]
1931 [Section V, # 30]
1932 [Section V, # 31]
1933 [Section V, # 32]
1934 [Section V, # 33]
1936 [Section V, # 34]
1938 [Section V, # 35]
[Item #1]Maude H. Woodfin, ed. , Another Secret Diary of William Byrd of Westover, 1739-1741
[Pages 56-65, 74-79, 96-99, 106-109, 118-119, 136-137, 148-157, 164-165 of original book]
[...]read more news till night, then talked with my people and prayed. It rained and thundered in the night.
13. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather continued wet, the wind north, so that we could not go to church. About one came Mr. Wendey and Captain Harding1 and dined with me and I ate roast mutton. After dinner we talked till 5 when the company went away and I talked with my people and prayed.
14. I rose about 6 and prepared for my journey to Williamsburg. I prayed and had chocolate. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind north. However, about 8 I got into the chariot and went to the ferry where I saw Colonel Randolph1 and his brother Ned2 who gave me several letters from England. About 3, got to Williamsburg and dined with Lady Randolph 3 and then walked to the Governor's and from thence to Mr. Barradall's and from thence walked home, put my house in order and prayed.
15. I rose about 6 and read nothing because several gentlemen came. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was warm and clear, the wind southwest I waited on the Governor and about 10 went to court and sat till 3 and then dined with the Governor and ate boiled turkey. After dinner I went to Colonel Grymes's and from thence home where I wrote several things and prayed.
16. I rose about 6 and read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was cold and clear, the wind northwest. My head was better, thank God. About 9 58 and 59 visited Colonel Spotswood1 and then went to the capitol where we sat till 3 and then dined with Wetherburn and ate boiled veal. After dinner walked and then retired to my lodging where I read English and put things in order and prayed and slept well, thank God.
17. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had chocolate with the Commissary. The weather was cold and clear, the wind northwest. About 9 went to the Commissary's and from thence to court and sat with great patience till 3 and then dined with Wetherburn and ate roast chicken. After dinner we talked till 6 and, then walked to Lady Randolph's and had tea . Then I walked home and read French till 9 and then prayed.
19. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather continued cold and cloudy, the wind north. About 9 went to the Capitol and sat in court without the Governor, who took physic, ti11 afternoon, and then went to Mr. Barradall's to dinner and [ate] roast chicken. After dinner I walked and then returned home because it was cold and read English till 9 and then prayed.
20. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather continued very cold and clear, the wind north. I put myself in order and about 11 went to church,1 where Mr. Hartwell2 acted his part well. After church dined with the Commissary and ate chicken and bacon. After dinner went to visit Mrs Grymes3 and in the evening walked home and read English till 9 and prayed.
21. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cold and clear, the wind southwest, but a white frost this morning. About 10 went to court where we sat till 3 and then dined with Wetherburn and ate roast veal. I sold 300 barrels of corn to Captain Hutchings.4 I walked round the town and went home and read English till 9 and prayed.
22. I rose about 6, read, Hebrew and Greek. I prayed 60 and 61 and had coffee. The weather was warm and clear, the wind southwest. I wrote letters till 9 then went to the capitol and sat there close till 3, then dined with Wetherburn and ate boiled fowl. After dinner walked to the races1 and then went to the Governor's and stayed till 9 and then walked home and committed uncleanness, God forgive me.
23. I rose about 6 and read nothing because I wrote letters home. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was cold and cloudy, with little rain. About 9 went to the capitol where we sat till 3 and silenced Mr. Mercer.2 Dined with Wetherburn and ate calf's head. After dinner walked and a [horse] would needs walk all the way with us. I called at Lady Randolph's walked home, and prayed.
24. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was cold and clear, the wind southwest. I wrote letters till 9 and then went to the capitol where we sat till 3 and then went to dinner with Wetherburn and ate roast veal. After dinner I walked and in the evening drank tea with Lady Randolph and then walked home and wrote letters till 10 and then prayed.
25. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind north. I wrote letters till 9 and then went to court where we sat till 3, then dined with Wetherburn and ate chicken and asparagus. After dinner Captain Wilcox1 came to us who was just arrived but no news. I walked and called at Lady Randolph's and then retired.
26. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was warm and cloudy, the wind southwest and gave hope of rain. About 9 went to the Capitol and sat there till 2, then dined with Needler and ate chicken and bacon. After dinner Colonel Robinson2 and I walked round the town and called at Mr. Grymes's and stayed till 9, then walked home and prayed.
27. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was warm and cloudy, the wind southwest. I wrote letters and went to church and Mr. Fry3 entertained us. After church I dined with Mr. Francis4 62 and 63 and ate fish. After dinner we walked, then called at the Commissary's and then proceeded to the Governor's where we stayed to supper and about 9 walked home and prayed.
28. I rose about 6 read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cloudy and warm, the wind southwest. About 9 went to court, sat there till 3, then dined with Wetherburn and ate roast lamb. After dinner walked, and called on Mrs. Bassett1 and then at Barradall's where I stayed till 9 and walked home, wrote a letter, and prayed. It rained.
29. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was cold and clear, the wind northwest. About 9 we went first to Council and then to court and sat till 3 and then dined with Wetherburn and ate roast lamb. After dinner we walked and then walked [sic] and in the evening called at Lady Randolph's , stayed an hour and then walked home and prayed.
30. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cold and clear, the wind north. About 9 went to court and sat till 3 and then dined with Wetherburn and ate roast chicken and asparagus. After dinner we walked and then walked to Lady Randolph's, stayed about an hour and then walked home and prayed.
1. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was warm and clear, the wind southwest. At 9 went to court and sat close till 3 and [ate] roast veal with Wetherburn. After dinner we walked deletedthe race but were soon forced to retire for the rain. I wa[lk]ed to the coffeehouse1, and from thence home and wrote [a] letter to Westover. I prayed.
2. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was warm, with rain, the wind southeast. It rained abundantly in the night. About 9 went to the capitol and sat till 3, when we dined at Wetherburn['s] and entertained the Governor. I ate boiled tongue. Af[ter] dinner we drank arrack punch till 6 and then walked. Ab[out] 8 I walked home, read French, and prayed.
3. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed had coffee. I danced. The weather was warm and the wind southwest. I paid my debts and about 9 went deleted court and pronounced sentence upon the boy. There we deletedtill one, then went to the coffeehouse and from thence deletedMr. Needler's and ate sturgeon. After dinner walked deleted called on Mr. Grymes, then walked home and prayed.
4. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed deleted had coffee. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wdeleted north. I wrote several things and put myself in order deleted11 and then went to church and Mr. Robinson2 preached [a] 64 and 65 good sermon. After church I walked to the Governor's to dinner and ate Scotch collops. After dinner we had tea, then walked to Lady Randolph's and from thence home and prayed.
5. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was clear and warm, the wind southwest. I sent Tom to the ferry to stop my chariot there. I paid the rest of my debts and went to the capitol and made a full end to the court, then went home and read till 2 and then went to the Commissary's to dinner and ate boiled mutton. After dinner took leave and walked to Lady Randolph's and from thence home and packed up my things, read Latin and prayed.
6. I rose about 5, prayed and had coffee. About 7 Colonel Randolph came in my Lady's chariot and I went with him to the ferry where I found my chariot and, went in that as far as Mr. Hardyman's, who continued bad, then took leave Of Colonel Randolph and went home and found all well, thank God. I ate roast pigeon. After dinner put my things in order and then walked about the plantation. At night had milk and strawberries and about 9 retired and prayed.
7. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea. I danced. The weather was warm and cloudy, the wind west. I gave physic to several of the people who were sick. I settled several accounts and put things in order till dinner when I ate roast mutton. After dinner I took a nap and then came Mr. Hall and then Colonel Bolling, who stayed all night and supped. I retired about 10 and prayed.
8. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. I showed all to Colonel Bolling, with which he was pleased. About 12 the company went to the race and so did my family and I gave them all money and sent a pistole myself by Mr. Hall who brought back two about 4 o'clock. I ate cold mutton. After dinner we walked and talked till 9 and then I prayed.
9. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed, and had hominy. I danced. The weather was cold and clear, the wind northwest. I settled several accounts and put matters in order. Mr. Hall went away over the river and I ate fish. After dinner I took a little nap, then played billiards and walked about the plantation. My sick were better, thank God. I talked With my people and prayed.
10. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea. I danced. The weather was very cold and clear, the wind north. I played billiards and settled several accounts and walked till dinner and then ate fish. After dinner put several things in order. L-n-r and Mr. O. came over the river and told me all was well. We walked and I talked with my people and prayed.
11. I rose about 5, read Greek only because I wrote a letter. I prayed and had tea. I danced. The weather was cold and clear. About 9 went to church and had a good sermon. After church Mr. Burwell,1 Mann Page2 the parson and Colonel Eppes3 came to dine, and I ate boiled beef. After dinner, we talked and had coffee. We walked and only Colonel Eppes went away. I talked with My people and prayed.74 and 75
[...]warm and cloudy, the wind west. I read news and put up my things to go to Williamsburg. Mr. Gavin and Mr. Cary and his wife all returned from Williamsburg to dinner and, I ate roast rabbit. After dinner we talked and played bowls and walked. I talked with my people and prayed.
8. I rose about 5, read nothing because of much business. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was very warm and cloudy, the wind southwest. I went not to church: because, I prepared for my journey. After church Mrs. Carter dined with us and Mr [Donald] and Mr. Ravenscroft, and I ate boiled beef. After dinner we talked and had coffee. Some of the company went away. I talked with my people and prayed.
9. I rose about 3 and prayed. I had coffee and went into the chariot about 4 and had the weather pretty cold and cloudy. About 11 I got to Williamsburg and went to Council, then dined at Wetherburn's and ate some roast pork. Then walked to Lady Randolph's and had tea , and in the evening walked to the Commissary's and discoursed him and then went home, wrote a letter, and prayed.
10. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was warm and clear, the wind southwest. I waited on the Governor, went to court, and sat till 4, then entertained the Governor at Wetherburn's and I ate calf's head. After dinner went to the camp where were about 300 men,1 such as they were. Then I walked with Colonel Digges1 about an hour, then called at Mr. Blair's, went home and prayed.
11. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind southwest. I had several visitors and about 10 went to the capitol where we sat till 3, then dined with Wetherburn and ate broiled chicken. After dinner I walked to the coffeehouse and read news, then received some money of Lidderdale2, then walked to Lady Randolph's and drank tea and talked with the girls . In the evening walked home, settled some matters and prayed.
12. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was very hot, the wind southwest. I wrote English and settled some accounts till 10, then went to the capitol and sat till 2. I dined with the Governor and ate young goose. After dinner I walked to Lady Randolph's and had tea . Then walked and called on the Commissary with whom I sat till 9, then walked home and prayed.
13. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather continued very warm. About 76 and 77 9. I visited Charles Carter1 and then Colonel Grymes, then went to the capitol and sat till 2 and then dined with Wetherburn and ate Scotch collops. Dr. Mollet2 dined with us. After dinner I walked to Colonel Lightfoot's3 where several ladies came. About 8 walked home, wrote a letter, and prayed.
14. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had chocolate. The weather continued very hot. We had news of Colonel Spotswood's death.4 I breakfasted with the Commissary where we consulted what he as President was to insist upon. About 10 went to the capitol where it was agreed that the Commissary should be President during the Governor's absence, [and] the Governor and Isham Randolph should have the care of the soldiers. Colonel Grymes and I dined with the Commissary and I ate beans and bacon. After dinner we went to Lady Randolph's and about 8 walked home and prayed.
15. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was warm and cloudy, the wind southwest, with thunder. I put myself in order and about 11 went to church and Mr. Stith1 entertained us with a good sermon. After church I dined with the Commissary again and ate peas. After dinner we had coffee and then I walked to Mr. Needler's, from thence to Mr. Grymes's and then home and prayed.
16. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather continued warm, notwithstanding the rain, the wind west. It threatened more rain and thundered at a distance. I went to Mr. Grymes's and visited the ladies, then went to the capitol and sat there till 2 and then dined with Wetherburn and ate fish. After dinner 78 and 79 walked again to Colonel Grymes's and stayed till 8, then was carried home, because it rained, and prayed.
17. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had chocolate. The weather continued cloudy and cold, the wind southeast and threatened more rain. About 10 went to the capitol where we sat tall 2 and the Governor prorogued the Assembly. I dined with Wetherburn and ate roast veal. After dinner I walked to Colonel Grymes's and from thence home and read Latin and prayed. Our two captains1 made a bar but I went not to it.
18. I rose about read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee with the, Commissary. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind southeast. I waited on the Governor and wished him a good journey, then went to Lady Randolph's and then to the new doctor's2 and then went to dine with Mr. Barradall and in the evening walked to the camp and from thence walked home and put up my things and ate some cold lamb with Mrs. [Hargrave?] and then retired and prayed.
19. I rose about 5, read nothing. I prayed and had three dishes of chocolate. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind southwest. About 6 Colonel Randolph called upon me and carried me to the ferry and there my chariot carried me safe home about one and found all well, thank God. I ate cold lamb. After dinner put things in order and walked about. In the evening talked with my people and prayed.
20. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was very hot and threatened rain, and we had abundance. I unpacked several things till one and then came Captain Bolling1 with John Ravenscroft and dined with us and I ate broiled lamb. We talked and had tea till the evening when our company went away and I walked in the garden. I prayed and took two pills.
21. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea. I danced. The weather was cloudy and warm and threatened rain, the wind south. I put several things in order and wrote English and read Latin till dinner when I ate fish. After dinner it rained very hard. All the afternoon I read Latin but could not walk; however at night I talked with my people and prayed. All was well above, thank God.
22. I rose about read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was clear and [warm], the wind southwest. Captain Bolling and John Ravenscroft came to breakfast and carried my children to church in his [boat]; however I went not but wrote several letters. I ate dried beef for dinner. After dinner we talked and Bolling entertained the children with his tricks and went away in the evening. I talked with my people and prayed.
23. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had milk and water. The weather was warm and clear, the wind west. We began to cut our wheat and found it good and in good order, I examined Stevens account and found it very faulty. I read Latin till dinner and ate cold shoat. After dinner took a nap and read more Latin till the evening and then walked among my harvesters. I talked with the people.
24. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed [...]96 and 97
[...]read more Latin till the evening when we played bowls and then walked. I talked with my people.
21. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cool and cloudy, the wind south and threatened rain and accordingly it rained all day, a gentle rain. I wrote English till dinner, when I ate fish. After dinner wrote more English till the evening when there was no walking because of the continued rain. I talked with my people and prayed. It rained in the night.
22. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea. I danced. The weather was cool and cloudy, with rain, but held up about 6. We played billiards and I wrote my [nieces] and read Latin till dinner when I ate boiled beef. After dinner I took a nap and read more Latin. In the evening walked in the garden. I talked with my people and prayed. I took physic.
23. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had milk porridge. I danced. The weather was warm and clear, the wind west I wrote English and played billiards, then read Latin till dinner when I ate ox cheek. My physic worked four times. After dinner put several things in order till the evening; then played bowls and walked. I talked with my people and prayed. It rained.
24. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cool and clear, the wind northwest. I went not to church but prepared for my journey to Williamsburg. After church came Mr. Pinkard and his wife, Jenny Anderson, and Mrs. Eppes, and I ate roast veal. After dinner we had coffee. In the evening they went away and I prayed.
25. I rose about 6, read nothing, and had milk porridge and recommended my family to heaven and got into the chariot about 4 [sic] and got to Williamsburg about 12, and went to the capitol and dined with the Governor and ate fricasseed chicken. After dinner drank tea with Lady Randolph , then walked to the camp and then home and wrote a letter to my wife and prayed.
26. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had chocolate with the Commissary. The weather was cool and clear, the wind southwest. Went to the capitol and [ciphered] there till 2; then dined with Wetherburn and ate fish. After dinner walked to the camp and saw the men exercise; then walked and wrote letters till 10, but my head was not right. I prayed.
27. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was cool and clear, the wind north. About 10 went to the capitol and read the journal and walked about till 2; then dined with Mr. Needler and ate sausage and eggs. Then walked to the camp and from thence home and wrote more letters till 10 and prayed.
28. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee at Mr. Blair's where I stayed till 10 and then drove to the capitol where the Governor put an end to the Assembly and I dined with Wetherburn and ate roast turkey After dinner we went to take leave of the Governor in body1; then walked to Lady Randolph's , and then to Mr Barradall's who was sick, and then home where I wrote, letters and prayed.
29. I rose about 5, read Hebrew.and Greek. I prayed and had chocolate with the Commissary. There was a great fog, the wind southwest. I walked to several places and made several visits and about 2 dined with Lady Randolph and ate chicken pie. After dinner I made more visits and walked with Isham Randolph about the town and then walked home and put up my things. I prayed. It was very warm again.
30. I rose about 5 and prayed. Major Mills2 and Mr 98 and 99 P-n-y came about 6 and we had coffee. Then went into Lady Randolph's chariot and went to the ferry where we found Mina and proceeded home where we got about one and found all well, thank God, and had shoat for dinner. After dinner it rained and confined us in the house. I played at cards and I retired.
31. I rose about 5 and read nothing. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was warm and cloudy. I went not to church myself but my visitors did. I wrote letters and put myself in order. After church Mr. Wendey and I ate roast rabbit. After dinner we talked and walked in the evening, when I talked with my people and prayed.
1. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was warm and cloudy, the wind north. We played billiards and then played cards till dinner when I ate boiled beef. After dinner we talked and played cards till the evening and then walked about the I packed up my things to go to Hanover. I talked with my people and prayed.
2. I rose about 4 and drank two dishes of chocolate; then recommended my family to heaven and Major Mills and I got into the chariot about sunrise and drove over the Long Bridge1 to Hanover. By the way we ate cold roast mutton. About 3 we got to Major Henry's and I ate roast chicken. There was the parson,2 who invited us to dinner next day. I prayed, and rose in the night.
3. I rose about 5 and had a looseness and I prayed and had thick milk. It rained a little; however, we rode to see my land and about 3 dined with the parson and I ate roast chicken. After dinner we returned to Major Henry's through the rain, but were not wet. One of my horses was sick. We talked of the land but the Major came to no determination but seemed a little inclined to be the purchaser. My looseness was better, thank God. I prayed.
4. I rose about 5 and prayed. I had tea and about 6 we [...]104 and 105
[...]clear, the wind northwest Dick C-r-n was better, thank God. I had a bad cold myself; however, I wrote letters till dinner and then ate a blue wing. After dinner came Dr. Monger to see C-r-n. We walked and talked. My cold was worse; God preserve me. I retired soon and prayed.
20. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cool and clear, the wind north. My cold grew worse. My cold was extremely bad. Mr. Ravenscroft came to see about building our [or another] house and dined with us1 and I ate only rice milk. After dinner we talked till the evening when I retired in good time and took Squire's Elixir and prayed.
21. I rose about 5, and was much out of order. I read only Hebrew. I danced. The weather was warm and clear, the wind southwest. About 9 poor Dick C-r-n died, notwithstanding all the care we could take of him. Captain Clack dined with us and I ate only pudding. I grew worse and began to cough and have a fever. I retired in the afternoon and prayed.
[This entry in longhand follows]
From this day I grew worse, so that I was let Blood, and the next day took a Purge However all that woud not do, so I sent for Dr Monger who approvd what had been done. He ordered me a mixture of Juice of Oranges Salt of Wormwood and Hordealed Cinnomon Water with some Prepared Pearl, which abated my Feaver, but did no service to my Cough, which was very severe anights, however with care and good Nursing, it went away in about a Month, and I recovered enough to go to Williamsburg the 21 of October following.
21. [First entry for month] I rose about 6 and prayed. I had two dishes chocolate and about 8 recommended my family to heaven and got into the chariot with my daughter Annie, and went to the ferry where Lady Randolph's chariot met me and we proceeded to town where I sent Annie to Mr. Needler's and I found my landlord and landlady sick. I put my house in order and prayed.
22. I rose about 6 and prayed. I read Hebrew and Greek. I had chocolate at the Commissary's. The weather was cool and cloudy, the wind north. About 10 I went to the capitol where I sat till 12; then went to Mr. Needler's to see my daughter, where I dined and ate boiled chicken. After dinner I called at Lady Randolph's who was from home, and returned to my lodgings.
23. I rose about 6 and read nothing because I wrote several things. I prayed and had chocolate. The weather was cool and cloudy, the wind north. I went to Lady Randolph's and from thence to the Governor's where I waited on the ladies,1 and went from thence to court and stayed there till 3 and then dined again with all the council and Mr. Needler and ate roast turkey, and returned and prayed.
24. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had rice milk. I had a fever last night. The weather was cloudy, with rain, the wind northwest. About 10 went to the capitol and sat there till 3, then dined with Wetherburn and ate roast veal. After dinner I walked home and wrote letters and read French till 8, then retired and missed my fever. I prayed.
25. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had rice milk. The weather was very cold and clear, the wind northwest. About 10 went to court and sat there 106 and 107 till 2 and then went to the Governor's where we dined, it being the Governor's birthday. I ate roast turkey and was very merry but returned about 5 and walked home, read Latin, and prayed. I took two pills.
26. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had rice milk. The weather was cold and clear, the wind northwest. My physic worked four times and very easy. I went not to church but after church dined with the Commissary and ate roast fowl. After dinner we walked to Colonel Custis1 and had cider and from thence walked home, wrote letters, and read French and prayed.
27. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had rice milk. It rained a little, the wind southeast. About 10 went to court and sat till 3 and then dined with Wetherburn and ate fish. After dinner walked to Colonel Grymes's where I found my wife just come to town. However I walked home in good time, read French and prayed.
28. I rose about 6 and read Hebrew. I prayed and had rice milk. The weather continued cloudy, the wind north. My son [. . .] about 10 o'clock at Colonel Grymes's to see my wife and then went to Council and then to court and sat till 2 and then dined with the President with my wife, then went to Lady Randolph's and then home where I read and prayed.
29. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had rice milk. It rained much in the night and was cloudy, the wind north. Bob Mumford came and stayed half an hour; then I called to see my Wife and then went to court and about 2 dined with Lady Randolph and ate roast turkey. After dinner We had tea and about walked home, and I wrote a letter and prayed.
30. I rose about 6 and read nothing because my daughter came to visit me. The weather was extremely cold, the wind north. About 10 went to court and sat till one and invited company to Wetherburn's and I ate roast venison. After dinner we had a race which I went not to but won 20 shillings. At night ventured to the ball1 at the capitol where I stayed till 10 and ate three jellies and then went home and prayed. The President entertained well.
31. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had rice milk. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind north. I visited my wife at Colonel Grymes's and then went to court, sat till 3, and then dined with Mr. Attorney and ate boiled mutton. After dinner we talked and had tea till the evening when I walked home and wrote letters.108 and 109
1. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee with my family, who went out of town about 9. About 10 I went to court where we sat till 2 and then I dined with Mr. Lidderdale and ate roast partridge. After dinner I walked to Mr. Needler's and from thence walked home, wrote letters, and read English. I took two pills. It blew hard.
2. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had rice milk. The weather was cold and clear, the wind northwest. My physic worked four times. I wrote letters to England and then dined with the Commissary and ate fish. After dinner we talked till 4 and then I walked to Lady Randolph's and then home, where I wrote and prayed.
3. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had rice milk. The weather was clear and cold, the wind north. About 10 I went to Colonel Grymes's and from thence to court where I pronounced sentence upon two women,1 then went to council and then finished the court, then dined with Wetherburn and ate venison, then went to the Attoney's, and stayed till 10.
4. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had chocolate with the Commissary. The weather was cold and clear, the wind southwest. I went to Colonel Grymes's; from thence to Mr. Needler's and from thence to the Governor's. From thence to Dr. Mollet's and then to Lady Randolph's and then to Mr. Barradall's, where I dined and ate venison. When we had drunk tea I went home.
5. I rose about 6, read nothing but prepared for my journey. I prayed and had coffee. About 9 came Colonel Bassett who went with me in my chariot and my daughter followed us with Mrs. Bassett. We called at [Furnea's]1 for an hour and then proceeded to Colonel Bassett's where I ate turkey and chine. After dinner we talked till 9 and then retired and prayed.
6. I rose about 6 and read English. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was cold, the wind north. About 9 we took leave and returned home after a tedious journey about 4 and found my family well, thank God. I ate potato and milk. I learned my affairs were pretty well. About 8 retired and prayed.
7. I rose about 6, read nothing because of putting things in order. I prayed and had tea. I danced. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind east. I wrote several thing and walked about the plantation. I ate roast mutton. After dinner put my matters in order till the evening when we, talked till 8, when I retired, read English, and prayed.
8. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had hominy. The weather was wet, the wind north, and it rained abundance in the night and this morning till 9. I wrote English and settled several accounts till dinner, when I ate roast chine. After dinner I put things in order but could not walk because of the cold. In the evening cam news from England and that poor John Grymes2 was dead.118 and 119
[...]went to the Governor's and saw Captain Lloyd1 and Mr. Stanton.2 About 12 went to the capitol, spoke to the [grand] jury, sat till 3, dined with Wetherburn, invited Captain Lloyd and other gentlemen, and ate roast venison. Sat till 7 and supped with the ladies at the Governor's; retired about 9 and prayed.
10. Rose about 6, prayed and had coffee. About 10 went to Colonel Grymes's and then returned to the Commissary's to council and kept Mr. Gooch in his place and refused the good King's orders;3 then dined with the Commissary and ate boiled pork. After dinner went to Lady Randolph's and then to Mr. Barradall's where I stayed with Colonel Robinson till 11; then went home and prayed.
11. I rose about 6, read only Greek. I appointed an overseer for Mount Folly. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was warm the wind southwest, I went about 12 to Colonel Grymes's, who was gone; then to the coffeehouse, and then dined, with Mr. Needler and ate hog's head. After dinner Dr. Mollet and I walked and in the evening I went to Lady Randolph's , played cards till 9, then went home and retired.
12. I rose about 6, prayed and had rice milk. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind northeast. I rode to the new church1 and met my chariot and got home about 3 and found my family well, thank God. I ate salt fish. After dinner I put things in order and walked. At night talked with my people and gave them cider, and prayed.136 and 137
[...]I ate roast goose. After dinner came likewise Doctor Mollet. We walked and played cards at night till ten. I retired and prayed.
21. I rose about 6, and read only Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was warm and clear, the wind northwest. I prepared for my journey to Williamsburg and settled some accounts till dinner and then ate roast turkey. After dinner we talked and had coffee, and then Pinkard and his wife went away and we talked and about 8 retired and I slept pretty well, thank God. All were well at the Falls.
22. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cold and clear, the wind southeast. About 8 a boat came down from the Falls but Jacob Was left behind sick. I ate roast beef. After dinner put up my things to go to Williamsburg tomorrow. I talked with my people, gave my orders, and prayed.
23. I rose about 5 and prepared for my journey. I drank three dishes chocolate and recommended my family to the Almighty. The weather cold and cloudy, the wind north. About 8 we got into the chariot and got to [ ... ] where we got without anything remarkable about 3 and found young Nelson1 and his family and Betty [ ... ] there. I ate dry beef. We talked and were courteously entertained. I prayed.
24. I rose about 6 and prayed; then wrote a short letter to my wife. It rained in the night but held up in the morning and was warm. I had chocolate. The Doctor2 and I took leave about 8 and went to Williamsburg. I put myself in order and went to the Commissary's about 12 where we had a council and dined there and I ate roast turkey. At night went to Lady Randolph's till 9, then retired and prayed.
25. I rose about 6 and played the fool with Sarah, God forgive me. However, I prayed and had coffee. About 9 came Mr. Commissary and paid me £100.1 About 11 went again to the Commissary's to council and persuaded the men of war to stay two months for the ships.2 Dined at the Governor's and ate Scotch collops. In the evening went home, packed up my things, and prayed.
26. I rose about 5 and prayed. I prepared for my journey, notwithstanding it had snowed in the night, the wind northeast. About 8 Colonel Randolph came and we went together in my chariot as far as the courthouse, where I dropped him. By the way visited poor Frank Hardyman who seemed better, and got home about 5 and found everybody well, thank God. I ate pea soup and about 9 retired.
27. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had hominy. I danced. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind north. I put matters in order and reacdeleted148 and 149
5. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind north. Some of my children went to church and I wrote letters. After church came Betty Stith and her brother Anderson, young Ben Harrison1 and another boy, and dined here. After dinner we had tea and all went away. I talked with my people and prayed. My man A-r-g-l was sick again and I took all the care of him I could; God save him.
6. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea. I danced. The weather was cold and clear, the wind north. A-r-g-l was a little better, thank God. I wrote English till one when Colonel Stith and his wife and Mr. Pinkard and his wife came to dinner, when I ate roast turkey. After dinner we played bowls. The company stayed. I talked with my people and prayed.
7. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was warm and clear, the wind southwest. We played bowls and billiards till 12; then I wrote English till dinner, when I ate roast pigeon. After dinner we played billiards till the evening when the company went away and I walked. A-r-g-l was better, thank God. My people killed a bullock. I prayed. It rained and blew.
8. I rose about 6, read Hebrew, and Greek. I prayed and had tea. I danced. The weather was cold and clear, the wind northwest. We played billiards and then walked about the plantation. I wrote letters till dinner when I ate minced turkey. After dinner I took a nap and then wrote more English till the evening and then walked again. At night talked with my people and prayed.
9. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was warm and clear, wind southwest. My overseer was indisposed, God preserve him. I wrote English and walked about the plantation till dinner when I ate fish. After dinner we walked again and about 5 came Mr. Spalding but had no news. We talked and had supper and sat up till 10 and prayed.
10. I rose about 6, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. It rained and thundered in the night but held up this morning. However Mr. Spalding stayed this day and we played at bowls till dinner when I ate fish. After dinner we played bowls again. At night the women got me to quadrille. I talked with my people and prayed. It rained.
11. I rose about 6, read Hebrew only. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was warm and cloudy, the wind southwest. However Mr. Spalding went away to Williamsburg and I wrote letters till dinner when I ate tongue and sallet. After dinner I put my things up for Williamsburg and walked in the evening. All well at the Falls, thank God. I prayed.
12. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind north. Mr. Dering brought the newspapers, with nothing in them. I went not to church but put myself in order. After church nobody came but Colonel Eppes and I ate cold beef and sallet. John Ravenscroft came. I talked with my people.
13. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had milk porridge because I had taken physic. The weather was cloudy and warm, the wind southwest. I sent away the boat with my things to Williamsburg. I wrote English till dinner and then ate battered eggs. After dinner I packed up my things and then walked about the plantation. At night talked with my people and prayed.
14. I rose about 4, prayed and had chocolate. The weather was warm and cloudy, the wind southwest. I and my daughters Mina and Molly into the chariot about 5 150 and 151 and went to Williamsburg without any accident, I ate some cold roast beef with Mr. Secretary, then walked to Lady Randolph's and had tea , then to the Governor's, and from thence to my lodgings and prayed.
15. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had chocolate with the Commissary, and about 10 went to visit poor Mrs. Needler1 who was a melancholy widow. About 11 went to court and sat till 3 and then dined with the rest of the council at the Commissary's and ate Scotch collops. After dinner walked. In the evening called at Mrs. Barradall's2 and then walked home and prayed.
16. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee and my daughters breakfasted with me. I danced. The weather was cold and clear, the wind west. About 10 went to the capitol and sat till 3 and then dined with Wetherburn. After dinner, walked. Saw Lady Randolph , who was at Mr. Francis', where we played cards till 9, when I Walked home and prayed.
17. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea with my daughters at Mr. Grymes's, then [about] 10 walked to several places and then to the capitol where we sat till 3 and then dined with Mr. Gooch and ate pigeon and asparagus. After dinner we drank Burgundy till 8, then walked home, wrote letters till 10 and then prayed.
18. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was warm and cloudy, the wind southwest. About 10 I went to the capitol where we tried two criminals and about 3 dined with Mr. Attorney and I ate roast fowl. After dinner we had coffee, then I walked and called on Mrs. Needler, then walked home and prayed.
19. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cold and clear, the wind northwest and blowing pretty hard. Went not to church, being obliged to write letters. I dined with the Commissary and ate roast veal. After dinner I walked, called at Lady Randolph's , who was out, returned to my lodgings and prayed.
20. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cold and clear, the wind west. I wrote letters till 10 and then went to the capitol and sat there till 3 and then dined with Wetherburn and ate fish. After dinner we sat till the evening when I walked to Colonel Grymes's, stayed there till 9, then went home and prayed.
21. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had chocolate with the Commissary. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind southwest. About 9 went to the capitol and sat till 2, then went to dine with Colonel Bassett and ate roast veal. After dinner we had coffee and it rained abundance and I went home in the Colonel's chariot and prayed.
22. I rose about 5 and read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee at home. About 9 went to the capitol and sat till 3 and then dined with Wetherburn and ate roast fowl. Captain Harding gave us some lemons and we made four bowls of punch and sat till 12 o'clock and then I walked home to my lodgings and made a short prayer.
23. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. Colonel Beverley1 breakfasted with me. Ideleted 152 and 153 rained, the wind north. About 10 went to court and sat there till 4, then dined with Wetherburn and ate boiled veal. After dinner I walked a little and about 7 went home. and wrote letters till 9 and then prayed and retired.
24. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and breakfasted with my daughters at Colonel Grymes's. The weather continued cold, the wind north. About 10 went to the capitol and sat till 3, then dined with Wetherburn and ate roast veal; then we walked to the College where was a meeting of the Governors. Then sat with Mr. Dawson1 till 9, went home and prayed. I had bad dreams and thought I should die in a short time, but as for that, God's will be done.
25. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had chocolate with the Commissary and Colonel Lee,2 and Colonel Beverley went with me; then we visited Mrs. Fairfax,1 and went to the capitol and sat till 3; then dined with Wetherburn because nobody invited us and ate fish. After dinner visited Mrs. Needler and then walked home and prayed.
26. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was warm and clear, the wind west. Mr. Beverley came. About 11 went to church and then dined with the President and ate fowl and bacon. After dinner we had coffee and then visited Colonel Custis, and in the evening went to the Governor's and ate supper till 9, and then returned and prayed.
27. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was warm and cloudy, the wind southwest I wrote two letters till 10, and then went to the capitol where we sat till 4, and then dined with Wetherburn and ate roast beef. After dinner I took a long walk, called at Colonel Grymes's and about 9 walked home, wrote a letter, and prayed.
28. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had chocolate, with the Commissary. The weather was warm and cloudy, the wind southwest. I visited Jimmy Mumford,2 who was sick, then went to court and sat there till 3, and then dined with Wetherburn and ate fish. After dinner I walked and called at Lady Randolph's and then walked home and prayed.
29. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. Miss Caton Brun came and breakfasted with me. About 10 went to council and then to court and 154 and 155 sat till 3, then dined with Wetherburn and ate fish again. After dinner we walked and then went home and wrote letters till 10 and then prayed. The weather was very cool.
30. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea with Mr. Grymes. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind southwest. About 9 went to the capitol and sat there till 3, then dined with Wetherburn and ate boiled mutton. After dinner we walked and then had coffee at the Attorney's; then walked home and prayed. The weather was so cold that we kept constant fires.
1. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I played the fool with Sarah; God forgive me. The weather cool and clear, the wind north. Several persons came. About 9 I went to court and sat till 3, then dined with Wetherburn and ate boiled veal and bacon. After dinner I walked and called at Lady Randolph's and stayed till 9 , then retired and prayed.
2. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea at Colonel Grymes's. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind north. I sat in court till 11 and then my daughters and I went to York in Mrs. Needler's chariot to young Mr. Nelson's where we dined and I ate roast fowl. After dinner we visited Colonel Lightfoot, where we drank tea. Walked about the town, talked with a man just come from Jamaica, lay at Mr. Nelson's, and prayed.
3. I rose about 8 and prayed. I had chocolate for breakfast. The weather dry, the wind southwest. About 11 walked to church1 and had a good sermon; dined with Colonel Lightfoot, and ate fish. After dinner we had tea with old Nelson2 and in the evening we supped at Mr. Ambler's3 with Colonel Fairfax4 and his lady, went home about 9 and prayed.156 and 157
4. I rose about 5 and read English and then prayed and had chocolate. It continued dry, the wind west. About 9 we took leave and went in Mr. Nelson's chariot to Williamsburg, and went to the capitol and sat till 3 and then dined with John Blair1 and I ate chicken pie. After dinner we walked to the Governor's but the ladies were from home. Then to Lady Randolph's where I stayed half an hour , then walked home, wrote a letter, and prayed.
5. I rose about 5 and put up my things. I prayed and had tea with Colonel Grymes. The weather was warm and dry, the wind north. About 9 went to council, then to court where we sat till 2 and made an end of the court, and then [dined] with Wetherburn. The Secretary dined with us and I ate boiled lamb. After dinner walked with my daughters to take leave of Mrs. Needler and then walked and called at Mrs. Barradall's, then walked home and prayed.
6. I rose about 4, prayed, and had coffee. My daughters came about 5 and we went off about 6 and drove to the ferry where Colonel Randolph came up with us and took my daughter Mina to the courthouse where I picked her up and went home and found all pretty well, thank God, but met with great complaint of the gardener. Mr. Berkeley[?] came to take my stores at Shockoe.2 He stayed and had supper; we talked about his business till 9, and then retired and I prayed.
7. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cold and cloudy, the wind north. Mr. Berkeley went to Williamsburg and I argued the case with the gardener, who was sorry for what he had done. I ate cold mutton. After dinner I went to the store and then walked about the plantation and prayed.
8. 1 rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea. I danced. The weather was cold and dear, the wind west. We killed a beef last night which was pretty good. I wrote and put things in order till dinner, when I ate roast pigeon and asparagus. After dinner took a nap, read English, walked about the plantation. I talked with my people and prayed.
9. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea. I danced. The weather warm and clear, the wind West. A man came about land at Roanoke by whom I wrote two letters. I played the fool with Sally, God forgive me. I wrote letters till dinner and ate roast beef. After dinner I slept and wrote English till the evening, walked, talked with my people, and prayed.
10. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea. I danced. The weather was warm and clear, the wind west. I went not to church because it was warm but put myself in order. After church came Colonel Eppes, John Stith and his daughter Mary and Will Hardyman. I ate roast rabbit. After dinner we had coffee. The company went away. I walked and prayed.
11. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea. I danced. The weather was warm and clear, the wind west. I wrote a letter to the Falls and read English till dinner when I ate roast beef. After dinner put several things in order and read Latin. I could not Walk because it rained very much, thank God, with some thunder. I talked with my people and prayed.
12. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea. I danced. It continued to rain and had rained [...]164 and 165
4. I rose about 5 and read Hebrew only, because of the company. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cold and clear. We sheared the sheep this morning. About 10 the gentlemen went over the river. I wrote letters till one when Mr. Miller and his wife1 came with John Ravenscroft, and Captain Talman dined with us and I ate chicken and bacon. After dinner we had coffee and then played bowls. At night played cards. I talked with my people and prayed.
5. I rose about 5, read Greek. I prayed and had coffee. I danced. The weather was cold and dear, the wind southwest. Mr. Miller and his wife stayed. I wrote English and read news till dinner when the Captain and Mr. Ravenscroft came and dined with us and I ate peas and bacon. After dinner we played bowls and then all the company went away. I talked with my people and prayed.
6. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had tea. I danced. The weather was cold and clear, the wind southwest. I wrote a letter to England and read news and put several things in order till dinner when I ate fish. After dinner came a letter from Mr. [Ward] by which I learned he was very bad; God preserve him. It rained and thundered in the evening much. I prayed.
7. I rose about 5, read nothing, but [sent a boy off] to the Falls. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was warm and cloudy, the wind west. I went not to church but put myself in order. After church came Ned Eppes and his wife2 and the parson to dinner and I ate chicken and bacon. After dinner we talked and had coffee. In the evening the company went away and I prayed.
8. I rose about 5 in order for to Williamsburg [sic], but was forced to stay till 8 to mend the chariot. I had chocolate for breakfast, notwithstanding it was very warm. I got to Williamsburg about 4 and ate minced chicken with the Commissary, where I saw Mr. Dinwiddie,1 the Surveyor General. In the evening went to the Governor's and stayed the evening till 9 and then walked home and prayed.
9. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had chocolate with the Commissary. We went first to church and then to the capitol, where I stayed till 3 and made a speech to the grand jury and tried one man. We dined with Wetherburn and I ate chicken and bacon. After dinner we drank arrack-punch, but I walked home about 9 and got a pain in my hip by lying with the window open.
10. I rose about 5, read Hebrew and Greek. I prayed and had coffee. The weather was warm and clear, the wind southwest. About 10 went to Council, where we sat till 3 and then dined with the Governor's lady2 and ate roast pigeon. After dinner we talked and drank Burgundy till the evening; then walked to Lady Randolph's and had tea ; then walked to Wetherburn's and received some money and bills; then went home, wrote a letter and put up my things and prayed. *
[#2]Alexander Craig Account Book, 1749-1759
|Aprile||30||To a new [torn]|
|May||2||To a new pr. Do [torn]|
|5||To stuffing and mending a [torn]|
|9||To a new throat and mending [torn]|
|11||3 stirrup leas. [torn]|
|12||To mending a trace [torn]|
|15||mending a collar [torn]|
|July||25||To a throat latch and mending a bridle||-. 1.[torn]|
|Augt.||17||To a buckle for a rein strapps & mending Braces and other parts of wheel Harness||-.10. -|
|28||To lengthening a Breeching & mending a collar in several places||-. 4. -|
|Septr.||1||To a padd to a Portmanteau Saddle||-. 4. 6|
|To 2 Iron Swets & 2 Girth strapps & a Ring &c.||-. 2. 9|
|& a pr. of Mailstrapps||-. 1. 6|
|24||To mending your wheal Harness||-. 2. -|
|Octo.||1.||To a new belly band & ring for a Collar & mending Severall places of harness||-. 3. 6|
|29||To mending Harness||-. 2. -|
|Novr.||1||To Mending a Collar & trace||-. 1. 3|
|8||To a Weymouth Bridle||-.10. -|
|Decr.||15||To mending a Breechen & Coller||-. 2. 6|
|17||To stuffing a Saddle||-. 1. 3|
|To a pr. of best stirrups & lears||-. 4. 6|
|a crupper & strapp for a pillion||-. 2. -|
|Jany.||31||To 2 Shoulder strapps, 2 back bands, & mending the Rein of Chair Harness||-. 7. 6|
|Feby.||10||To Stuffing a Portmanteau Saddle||-. 1. 3|
|a Strapp for the pillion||-. -. 6|
|March||18||To a Snaffle Bridle||-. 2. 6|
|25||To a brass dee for a chair saddle||-. 1. -|
|1751||To Brass nails for the Bottom of a chair||-.10. -|
|To leas. & doing the Bottom||-.10. -|
|To a Tailcase & a Brass buckle||-. 4. -|
|March||25||To a new seat to a Saddle||-.10. -|
|a padd for Do||-. 4. -|
|4 strapps of a crupper loop||-. 1. 6|
|May||21||To a leak & eye to a whip||-. 1. -|
|30||To a buckle to a mailpillion & mending 2 bridles||-. 1. 3|
|June||1||To mending the Cross Braces of a Charriot||-. 1. 3|
|21||To a buckle for a Stirrup lear||-. -. 4|
|To half a Coller for Harness & mending the Breachings &c||-.10. 9|
|27||To a padd to a Saddle||-. 4. -|
|a girth & strapp||-. 1. 3|
|mendng a trace||-. 1. -|
|15||To a lash||-. -. 7½|
|24||To 2 strapps & bucklces & mending a Collar||-. 2. 6|
|30||To a new craddle for your Charriot||-.10. -|
|6||To 2 strapps for Chair Collars||-. 1. -|
|8||To cushion & strapps--for--a Charriot box||-.10. 9|
|13||To stuffing a Saddle||-. 1. 3|
|23||mending the long Braces wch. go under the Charriot in 5 Different places||-. 7. -|
|Carried to the Credit Side|
|[torn]||-. 1. 3|
|[torn]||[torn]a Collar & mending the strapps||-. 2. 6|
|[torn]||To 16 Brass buckles @ 71/2 & 6 tail Cases||1. 6. -|
|[crossed through in origional]|
|17||a pr. of Mens shoes for Brickey||-. 6. -|
|Novr.||12||To Stuffing a Saddle 2 girth strapps & 2 Snipe bills||-. 2. 6|
|19||a new Breeching and mending other places of Harness||-. 2. -|
|Decr.||16||mending a Pole piece||-. 1. 3|
|Jany.||21||12 feet Rein for a Chair||-. 3. -|
|Febry.||19||a padd to a Saddle 4/ 2 snipebills 1 tuff nail & 1 Strapp||-. 5.10½|
|2||a [illeg.] keeper for a thong||[illeg.]|
|May||22||a Lash to a whip||-. -. 7¼|
|26||2 brass Dees, 3 Collar strapps, & mending harness||-. 4. 6|
|30||a Side Brace for a Chair||-. 1. 6|
|£ 5.13. 9½|
|June||19||BY CASH £ 5.17. 4½|
|Septr.||22||To Covering & Stuffing a truss wt. Buckles & strapps to it||-. 2. 6|
|Novr.||10||a new padd 4/ Stirrups & lears 4/||-. 8. -|
|Decr.||15||To mending a Collar of Dole Harness & fixing a Dee||-. 2. -|
|Stuffing a Saddle||-. 1. 3|
|a Pelham Bridle||-. 7. -|
|Jany||24||a Lash & eye.||-. 1. -|
|a pr. of Buckles & garters||-. 2. -|
|30||a Portmanteau girth||-. 2. -|
|March||15||To 4 new plates to Pole pieces||-. 3. 6|
|20||Buckles & Billets & 8 ½ feet to Reins||-. 3. -|
|28||2 padds for Pole chair Saddles||-. 6. -|
|Collar strapps, breeching Do., 2 belly bands Buckles &||-. 4. 6|
|2 new Cruppers wt. Brass buckles, 1 Brass Dee, 1 Iron Do.||-. 6. -|
|Mending 4 traces||-. 2.[torn]|
|31||2 Double girths||-. 3.[torn]|
|May||3||Mending the Coller of Pole harness||-. 2.[torn]|
|8||Stuffing & mending a padd||-. 1.[torn]|
|3||girth strapps & mending a pillion||-. 1.[torn]|
|10||mending a Bridle & surcingle||-. 1.[torn]|
|Carry'd to Foll. 148|
|1753||Brought from Foll: 10||2.19. 9|
|May||15||3 mailetrappe||-. 2. 3|
|1||Stirrup lear||-. 1. -|
|a Lash & eye||-. 1. -|
|June||8||a new single loop, brass buckle & mending a Coller||-. 2. -|
|Augt.||31||a pr. of Coupling Reins||-. 3. -|
|Septr.||25||mending a Portmanteau Saddle on the head & Cantle & pillion & padd||-. 3. -|
|To Sundrys||1.13. 7|
|To Ball: Due||£0. 7. 4½|
|Decr.||14||To Carting 1 day oats from Capt. Landing||-. 7. 6|
|Febry||14||a buckle & strap to a portmanteau||-. -. 8|
|May||16||To a whip wt. Shagreen handle||-.10. -|
|July||10||4 buckles to Reins||-. 1. -|
|Augt.||5||a headstall to a bridle||-. 1. 6|
|Septr.||9||a keeper for a thong||-. -. 4|
|Octr.||8||a Lash to a whip||-. -. 7½|
|Febry.||18||a buckle to a bridle & stuffing a saddle||-. 1. 6|
|May||6||To stitching and stuffing a mattress||-. 1. 6|
|11||To 2 tuffnails covered, Stuffing 2 Saddles||-. 4. 6|
|a Crupper Loop, 4 Strapps, & 2 Loops for holsters||-. 2. -|
|12||To 4 pr. Of Spansels||-. 8. -|
|a pr. Of very long Strapps for a Matrass||-. 2. 4|
|14||a Surcingle 2/6 headstall to a bridle 1/6||-. 4. -|
|a lash to a whip||-. -. 7½|
|3 pistol belts @ 6||-.18. -|
|[?]Inches Gold lace, platting & lining holster caps||-. 6. -|
|a pr. Of Holsters||-.11. 9|
|a pr. Of Stirrup Leathers||-. 2. -|
|15||a Snaffles Bridle||-. 4. -|
|June||15||To stuffing a saddle||-. 1. 3|
|17||a Brass Screw ring to a Coach Bridle||-. 1. 16|
|Jany.||20||To mending a Bridle||-. -. 8|
|31||a pr. Of Sterrap Leathers||-. 2. -|
|May||28||To a pad to a saddle & 2 ½ feet of reins||-. 4. 8|
|To lengthning a pole strap||-. 1. 6|
|July||7||To 2 straps & loops to Collars||-. 2. -|
|Augt.||15||To 1 Bearing Rein, Mendg. A Trace & Lengthening Reins||-. 2. 6|
|Septr.||14||a billet & mending a Bridle||-. -. 8|
|21||2 girth strapps, mending a back band & reins||-. 1. 3|
|Carry'd over||£-.15. 3|
|Decr.||24||By Cash||4.18. 3½|
|July||9||By Cash||. 9.4|
|By Cash||4. 7. 7½|
|1757||Dr. Brot. Over||£-.15. 3|
|Feby||To Sundrys||2.12. 6|
|3. 7. 9|
|By cash||£2. -. -|
|To Ball Due||1. 7. 9|
|Febry||31||By mistake||-. 2. 6|
|By hides & skins||1. -. -|
|To Ball Due||-.15. 3|
|March||4||To a second hand collar for a plough with straps & buckles||-. 7. 6|
|April||22||To sundrys||-. 7. -|
|May||16||To a strap to a Mail Pillion & buckles to a bridle||-. -. 7½|
|19||To a padd for a Portmanteau Sadle||-. 4. -|
|31||To 2 buckles, 2 loops & mending a bridle||-. 1. -|
|June||8||To 2 Breechings for Pole chairs & mending Harness||1. 5. -|
|To a pr. Of Long Reins||-. 6. -|
|July||27.||To 1 Double & 2 single Loops||-. 2. -|
|Sepr.||2.||To 1 pr. Woms. Pumps||-. 5. 6|
|Octr.||27||To a pair of Boys Shoes||-. 3. -|
|By Balance Carryed to Leger C|
|Foll. 121||3. 6.10½|
[#4]Alexander Craig Account Book, 1761-1763
|p. 12||May 19, 1761|
|To a billet & 2 [feet?] to Reins.||-. 1. 3|
|p. 20||Wmsburg July 8, 1761|
|To Sturup Lea., headstall to a bridle & stuffing a Saddle||-. 4. 9|
|p. 25||Wmsburg Augt 12 |
|To mending back bands, collerstraps & crupper||-. 3. 6|
|p. 28||Wmsburg Sept. 6 1761|
|Peyton Randolph Esqr.|
|To Leather & making Cushion for a Charriot box, 2 feet to Pole [?] 4 feet to Braces & for harness||1. 5. -|
|p. 31||Septr 22 |
|To a Brest corner piece for a Charriot||-.11. 3|
|p. 42||Wmsburg Novr 13, 1761|
|Peyton Randolph Esqr.|
|To 2 brass screw rings, 1 Brass hook, 4 buckles & stuffing 2 Saddles||-.11. 6|
|To a Portmanteau, girth, crupper, strap & mendg. a pilion & bridle, 2 buckles to stirrup Lea. & padd to a Saddle||-.10. -|
|To 1 pr of Coupling Reins, 1 [bearnd?] Do. 2 [Urrval?] Latches &c||-. 6. -|
|p. 52||Wmsburg Feby 23, 1762|
|Peyton Randolph Esqr.|
|To 2 Short Braces to Cover Chair springs & Mending Long Braces||-. 7. 6|
|To Brass nails wool stuffing &c for a Pole Chair & covering straps||-.15. -|
|p. 59||Wmsburg Apr 1, 1762|
|To [shlaking?] a Breast Dee 4 feet in a Coller||-. 2. 6|
|p. 62||Wmsburg Apr 15, 1762|
|To 2 Brass Screw rings.||-. 6. -|
|p. 63||Wmsburg Apr. 17, 1762|
|To Leather for the bottom of a Charriot||-. 5. -|
|p. 70||May 13, 1762|
|To 1 bearing Rein, 1 Brassscrew ring, 2 Collerstraps, 5 feet to Reins & mendg. many parts of Harness||-. 7. 6|
|To a mailpilion, mendg a Portmanteau, Saddle & straps & to a chair apron||-. 5. 6|
|p. 75||Wmsburg June 5, 1762|
|Peyton Randolph Esqr.|
|To covering a Saddle, stirrups, girth, crupper & padd||2. 5. -|
|p. 76||Wmsburg June 10, 1762|
|To Carting Beer from the Ferry||-. 2. 6|
|p. 79||Wmsburg 19, 1762|
|To mendg a Crupper & Harness.||-. 1. 3|
|p. 81||Wmsburg June 25, 1762|
|Peyton Randolph Esqr.|
|To a buckle & mendg a pillion||-. 1. -|
|p. 89||Wmsburg July 26, 1762|
|Peyton Randolph Esqr.|
|To 2 Brass Screw rings & plates||-. 6. -|
|p. 90||Wmsburg July 31, 1762|
|Peyton Randolph Esqr|
|To a Saddle Cloth trimmed with his own Silver Lace||1.15. -|
|p. 96||Wmsburg Augt 21, 1762|
|To a Brass screw ring &c.||-. 3. 9|
|p. 99||Septr 3, 1762|
|To a pad to a Saddle.||-. 4. -|
|p. 100||Wmsburg Septr. 10, 1762|
|To oznabergs Stuffg. & makeing a Cushion for a Charriot||-.10. -|
|p. 102||Wmsburg Septr. 17, 1762|
|To a Strap for a Bell & Large buckle||-. 1. 3|
|p. 104||Wmsburg Septr. 30, 1762|
|To Brass screw ring & nutt||-. 3. -|
|p. 114||Wmsburg Novr. 10, 1762|
|To headstall for a Muzle for a Calf||-. 2. -|
|p. 116||Wmsburg Novr. 16, 1762|
|To a padd belly band & strap to Cart saddle||-. 6. -|
|p. 129||Decr 23, 1762|
|Peyton Randolph Esqr.|
|To. a pr of mail straps||-. 1. 6|
|To a throat Latch to Bridle||-. -. 7½|
|p. 132||Wmsburg Jany 6, 1763|
|To a Cart Breeching, Crupper, Backbands &c.||-.15. -|
|p. 144||Febry 18, 1763|
|To Stuffing 2 Saddles, 2 Brass screw rings|
|2 girths, & straps & mendg many parts of Pole chair Saddles||1. -. -|
|To Long Reins 6/ 1 Coupling Do. 3/6||-. 9. 6|
|p. 155||Wmsburg April 15, 1763|
|To 1 Staple, 1 Loop, & Lining the flap of a Portmanteau||-. 3. 9|
|p. 158||Wmsburg Apl 26, 1763|
|To belly band, lugs & mendg & Harness||-. 7. 6|
|p. 164||Wmsburg May 11, 1763|
|To a Brass nut for Chair Saddle & brass nobs for the Apron||-. 1. 3|
|p. 175||Wmsburg June, 1763|
|To a Chair Coller mostly new & to a belly band &c||-.12. 6|
|f. 26||Mr. John Stretch Dr.|
|9 Mar.||To Ball from Ledger C folo 39||£7..16..0|
|To Cash not\by Sey Powell as will appear by his Acct||1.. 7..0|
|p. Contra Cr.|
|1765||By Charg'd in Sey Powell's accot||£1.. 7..0|
|22 July||By several Books sold Mr. Burwell||£5.. 6..0|
|23 Feb.||By Cash in full pd Nathl Burwell by Mr. John Carter of Williamsburg||2..10..0|
|Peyton Randolph Esq. Dr.|
|9 Mar.||To Ball Due from Ledger C folo 39||£7..00..101/2|
|10 Apl||To 1 fluke hoe brake||0.. 2..6|
|16 May||To makg a harrow||0.. 5..0|
|7 Aug||To 1 Shoat 6/ Oct 15th 6 Bush wheat @ 4/6||1..13..0|
|22 Oct.||To 6 Bushls wheat @ 4/6||1.. 7..0|
|13 Nov.||To Sundrys p D. B.||4..10..9|
|10 Dec.||To 4 pr Negroe Shoes||1..00..0|
|To 1 lamb from N. Land||0..12..6|
|4 July||To 2-½ Bushls Peas @ 2/6||0.. 6..3|
|31||To 1 galo Tar I/||0.. 1..0|
|19 Aug.||To 1 pr Negros shoes||0..10..0|
|9 Sept.||To 12 Lambs @ 12/6||7..10..0|
|24 Oct.||To Tang 12 Hides @ 5/||3..00..0|
|28||To 1 lb Shoe thread||.. 2..6|
|4 Nov.||To 10 Bushles Wheat @ 5/||2..10..0|
|22 Jan.||To making a Cart & plankg it||..12..6|
|11 Oct.||To 3 Bushls Wheat @ 4/||0..12..0|
|12 Jan.||To getg & setting up 5 Tobo hhds @ 3/||0..15..0|
|26 Oct.||To 16 Bushls Wheat @ 4/6||3..12..0|
|1 Apl||To 9 Bushls Wheat @ 4/6||2.. 0..6|
|28 Oct.||To 2 Hogs wt 229 lb @ 25/||2..17..3|
|1 Jan.||To 4 Tobo hhds @ 5/||1.. 0..0|
|p. Contra Cr.|
|14 Apl||By 33 foot fodder @ 15d||£2.. l..3|
|8 Nov.||By Cash||25.. 0..0|
|1766||By 840 fence Rails @ 20/ p 1000||..16..9½|
|By 920 Stakes @ 10/||.. 9..2½|
|22 May||By Cash 13||13..13..4½|
|f. 27||Mrs. Dawson (Old Lady) Dr.|
|9 May||To 4 Barls Corn from Ledger C folo 40||£2.. 0..0|
|9 Nov.||To 2 forward Hogs wt 171 lb @ 25/||2.. 2..9|
|p. Contra Cr.|
|22 May||By Cash||£1.. 0..0|
|17 Nov.||By Cash||1.. 0..0|
|29 June||By Cash||£2.. 0..0|
|Mrs. Priscilla Dawson Dr.|
|9 Mar.||To Ball from Ledger C folo 40||£7..10..0|
|8 Sept||To 3 Bushls Wheat @ 4/6||..13..6|
|9 Oct.||To 4 Bushls Do @ 4/6||..18..0|
|4 Jan.||To 3 Bushls Do 13/6||..13..6|
|11||To 6 Bushls Do||1.. 7..0|
DIRECTORS OF THE EASTERN STATE HOSPITAL.
The Following is a List of Directors from the organization of the Hospital in 1769 to October, 1 1904, with the Date of their Respective Appointments and the Length of Time Each Was in Office.
|Name of Director||Residence When Appointed||Service Began||Service Ended||Time in Office||Remarks|
|Wm. Nelson, Esq||York County||Nov. 1769||1772||3 years||President Died in office|
|Hon. John Blair, Esq||Williamsburg||Nov. 1769||1772||3 years, 0 mo|
|Thomas Nelson, Esq||York County||Nov. 1769||Dec. 1789||20 years, 1 mo||President Died in office|
|Robert Carter, Esq||Westmoreland Co||Nov. 1769|
|Peyton Randolph, Esq||Williamsburg||Nov. 1769||Oct. 22, 1775||6 years|
|Robert Carter Nicholas||Williamsburg||Nov. 1769||Apr. 1786||16 years, 5 mo|
|John Randolph, Esq||Williamsburg||Nov. 1769||Apr. 1786||16 years, 5 mo|
|Benj. Waller, Esq||Williamsburg||Nov. 1769||Jan. 1774||4 years, 2 mo||Resigned|
|John Blair, Jr.||Williamsburg||Nov. 1769||Mar. 1790||20 years, 4 mo|
|George Wythe, Esq||Williamsburg||Nov. 1769||May 7, 1773||3 years, 6 mo||Resigned|
|Dudley Digges, Jr.||Williamsburg||Nov. 1769||June, 1790||3 years, 7 mo||Died in Office|
|Lewis Burwell, Esq||James City||Nov. 1769||Apr. 1786||16 years, 5 mo|
|Thomas Nelson, Jr.||Yorktown||Nov. 1769|
|Thomas Everard, Esq||Yorktown||Nov. 1769||Apr. 1779||9 years, 5 mo||Resigned|
|John Tazwell, Esq||Williamsburg||Nov. 1769||Apr. 1786||16 years, 5 mo|
|Rev. Hon. John Camm||Pr't of Wm. & Mary||May 7, 1773||Apr.1786|
|Benj. Harrison, Esq||Berkeley||May 7, 1773||July, 1793||20 years, 2 mo||Died in Office|
|Nathaniel Burwell,Esq||Martins Hundred||May 7, 1773|
|Dr. John DeSigueyra||Williamsburg||Jan. 24, 1774||Nov. 1796||22 years, 11 mo||Died in Office|
|Rev. James Madison||Pr't of Wm. & Mary||Aug. 1778||Mar.6, 1812||33 years, 8 mo||President Died in Office|
|Edmund Randolph, Esq||Williamsburg||Apr. 1779||June, 1790||11 years, 2 mo||Resigned|
|John Dixon, Esq||Williamsburg||Dec., 1775||Dec., 1789||14 years|
|James Cocke, Esq||Williamsburg||Dec., 1775||Apr. 15, 1779||3 years, 4 mo Resigned|
|Joseph Prentis||Williamsburg||Apr. 15, 1779||Nov., 1791||12 years, 7 mo||Resigned|
|Joseph Hornsby, Esq||Williamsburg||Apr. 3, 1786||Nov. 1, 1794||8 years, 7 mo||Resigned|
|Rev. John Brachen||William & Mary col.||Apr. 3, 1786|
|Robert Andrews, Esq||William & Mary col.||Apr. 3, 1786|
|James Innes, Esq||Williamsburg||Apr. 3, 1786||Mar., 1790||3 years, 11 mo|
|Henry Tazewell, Esq||Williamsburg||Apr. 3, 1786||Dec. 1789||3 years, 8 mo|
|John Carter Byrd||Williamsburg||Dec., 1789||Dec. 30, 1791||5 years||Resigned|
|James Southall||Williamsburg||Dec. 1789|
|Name of Director||Residence When Appointed||Service Began||Service Ended||Time in Office||Remarks|
|Benj. Carter Waller||Williamsburg||Dec., 1789||Dec., 1796||7 years||Resigned|
|Robert Greenhow||Williamsburg||Mar. 8, 1790|
|Champion Travis||Jamestown||Mar. 8, 1790|
|Dr. William Pasteur||Williamsburg||June 7, 1790||July 3, 1790||1 month||Resigned|
|Robt. Hall Walter||Williamsburg||June 7, 1790||Dec. 1, 1796||6 years, 6 mo||Resigned|
|Judge Cyrus Griffin||Williamsburg||Nov. 2, 1791|
|Robert Saunders||Williamsburg||Dec. 14, 1793|
|Charles Hunt||Williamsburg||Dec. 14, 1793|
|George Carter||Williamsburg||Mar. 31, 1795|
|James Ruffin||Mar. 31, 1795||Dec. 1, 1796||1 year, 9 mo|
|Rev. James Henderson||Williamsburg||Dec. 1, 1796|
|Littleton Tazewell||Williamsburg||Dec. 1, 1796|
|Richard Randolph||Williamsburg||Dec. 1, 1796|
|James Semple||Williamsburg||Dec. 1, 1796|
|William Finney||Williamsburg||Dec. 1, 1796|
|Dr. John M. Galt||Williamsburg||June 25, 1799||1808||9 years|
|Dr.Phillip Barraud||Norfolk||June 25, 1799||July 21, 1800||1 year, 1 mo||Resigned|
|Matthew Anderson||Norfolk||June 25, 1799||July 21, 1800||1 year, 1 mo||Resigned|
|Dr. William Tazewell||Williamsburg||June 17, 1801|
|James Semple(attorney)||June 17, 1801|
|Nathaniel Burwell||June 17, 1801|
|Dr. Alexander D. Galt||Williamsburg||Before 1822||Nov. 1841||19 years||President of the board|
|Roscoe Cole||Williamsburg||Before 1822||Mar., 1825||3 years|
|William Browne||Williamsburg||Before 1822||Mar., 1825||3 years|
|Dr. Thos. G. Peachy||Williamsburg||Dec. 4, 1817||July 8, 1841||23 years, 7 mo|
|George Morrison||Williamsburg||June 6, 1820||Feb., 1834||13 years, 8 mo|
|William McCandlish||Williamsburg||Feb. 6, 1815||Mar., 1824||9 years|
|Dr. Jesse Cole||Williamsburg||Jan. 1, 1816||Aug. 5, 1826||10 years, 7 mo|
|William T. Banks||Williamsburg||Jan. 1, 1816||Apr., 1825||9 years, 3 mo|
|Robt. P. Waller||Williamsburg||Jan. 1, 1816|
|Robert Anderson||Williamsburg||Jan. 1, 1816||Apr., 1825||9 years|
|Richard Coke, Jr.||Williamsburg||Jan. 1, 1816||June, 1837||21 years, 5 mo|
|Robert Anderson||Williamsburg||1821||Mar., 1828||7 years|
|Col. William Waller||Williamsburg||Jan., 1823||Dec., 1834||10 years, 9 mo|
|John Coke||Williamsburg||Before 1822||1841||19 years|
|George W. Banks||Williamsburg||Mar., 1823||Mar., 1824||1 year|
|John C. Pryor||Williamsburg||1815||1821||6 years|
|Thomas Coleman||Williamsburg||Mar., 1824||June, 1834||10 years|
|James Semple, Jr.||Williamsburg||Mar., 1824||Jan., 1833||8 years, 10 mo|
|Col. Robert McCandlish||Williamsburg||Before 1822||1851||29 years|
|Dr. Dabney Browne||Williamsburg||Apr., 1825||1842||17 years|
|Walter W. Webb||Williamsburg||Apr., 1825||May., 1832||7 years, 1 mo|
|Dr. Jesse Cole||Williamsburg||Oct. 11, 1826||Nov. 1, 1826||20 days|
|Dr. Samuel S. Griffin||Williamsburg||Nov. 7, 1826||Mar. 9, 1829||2 years, 4 mo|
|Charles L. Wingfield||Williamsburg||Apr. 5, 1828||Dec., 1830||2 years, 8 mo|
|Henry Edloe||Williamsburg||May 2, 1829||Jan. 14, 1837||7 years, 8 mo|
|Littleton Waller||Williamsburg||Dec. 21, 1830||1841||11 years|
|James Lee||Williamsburg||Before 1822||Jan. 10, 1830||9 years|
|Prof. Robert Saunders, Jr. Williamsburg||Jan. 25, 1831||1851||20 years||President|
|Jacob C. Sheldon||Williamsburg||June 8, 1832||1848||16 years|
|William W. Vest||Williamsburg||Jan., 1833||1841||8 years|
|Thomas O. Cogbill||Williamsburg||Feb., 1834||1851||17 years|
|George W. Southall||Williamsburg||July 10, 1834||1851||17 years|
|Samuel F. Bright||Williamsburg||Dec. 22, 1834||1847||13 years|
|John A. Mackinder||Williamsburg||Apr 1, 1835||Dec. 18, 1838||3 years, 8 mo|
|Prof. Beverly Tucker||Williamsburg||1837||1851||14 years|
|Henry Edloe||Williamsburg||July, 1837||1839||2 years|
|Richard Randolph||Williamsburg||May, 1838||1841||3 years|
|John M. Gregory||Williamsburg||Feb. 4, 1839||Mar. 29, 1841||2 years, 2 mo|
|John M. Maupin||Williamsburg||Mar. 31, 1841||July, 1841||4 months|
|Dr. John G. Williamson||Williamsburg||1844||1850||6 years||Assistant Physician|
|John Coke||Williamsburg||1844||1851||7 years|
|Albert G. Southall||Williamsburg||1844||1845||1 year|
|Moreau Bowers||Williamsburg||1844||1845||1 year|
|John M. Maupin||Williamsburg||1845||1847||2 years|
|J. Augustine Deneufville||Williamsburg||1845||1851||6 years|
|Col. G. Durfey||Williamsburg||1847||1851||4 years|
|Dr. John C. Mercer||Williamsburg||1847||1851||4 years|
|William Waller||Williamsburg||1848||1851||3 years|
|John H. Barlow||Williamsburg||1850||1851||1 year|
|Samuel S. Griffin||Williamsburg||1851||Dec., 1851||10 months|
|Robert H. Armistead||Williamsburg||1851||Dec., 1851||4 years|
|Alexander C. Garrett||Williamsburg||1851||1854||3 years|
|Charles C. P. Waller||Williamsburg||1851||1852||1 year|
|Lemuel J. Bowden||Williamsburg||1851||1857||6 years||President from 1851|
|William H. Yerby||Williamsburg||1851||1857||6 years|
|Robert Morris, Esq||Williamsburg||1851||1855||4 years|
|Robert Saunders||Williamsburg||Jan., 1852||1857||5 years|
|Peter T. Powell, Esq||Williamsburg||Jan., 1852||1855||3 years|
|Dr. John C. Mercer||Williamsburg||Jan., 1852||1855||3 years|
|Richard M. Bucktrout,Esq||Williamsburg||Jan., 1852||Nov., 1854||2 years|
|Henry M. Bowden, Esq||Williamsburg||Jan., 1852||1853||1 year|
|James M. Mahone, Esq||Williamsburg||Jan., 1852||1857||5 years|
|Edward B. Lindsey||Williamsburg||Jan., 1854||1855||1 year|
|Talbot Sweeney||Williamsburg||July, 1854||Feb., 1857||3 years|
|Johnson Sands||Williamsburg||Nov., 1854||1857||3 years|
|William J. Morrisett||Williamsburg||Mar., 1855||Dec., 1856||9 months|
|Richard M. Bucktrout||Williamsburg||June, 1855||Dec., 1860||5 years|
|Robert P. Waller||Williamsburg||Dec., 1855||Dec., 1856||1 year|
|Jos. B. Costrahan||Williamsburg||Dec., 1855||Dec., 1856||1 year|
|William S. Peachy||Williamsburg||Dec., 1855||Dec., 1860||5 years|
|P. M. Thompson||Williamsburg||Dec., 1855||Mar. 15, 1858||2 years, 3 mo||President from 1857, resigned|
|Wm. R. C. Douglas||Williamsburg||Dec., 1856||Dec., 1857||1 year|
|Parkes Slater||Williamsburg||Dec., 1856||Dec., 1860||4 years|
|Name of Director||Residence When Appointed||Service Began||Service Ended||Time in Office||Remarks|
|Moses R. Harrell||Williamsburg||Feb., 1857||Dec., 1860||3 years, 10 mo|
|Col. John D. Munford||Williamsburg||June, 1857||1858||1 year|
|Edward Camm||Williamsburg||Dec., 1857||Dec., 1860||3 years|
|Chas W. Coleman||Williamsburg||Dec., 1857||Dec., 1860||3 years|
|Dr. John C. Mercer||Williamsburg||Dec., 1857||Dec., 1860||3 years||Pres., Dec., 1858. Resigned March, 1859|
|James W. Curtis||Williamsburg||Dec., 1857||Dec., 1860||3 years|
|Leonard Henley||Williamsburg||Oct. 15, 1858||Dec., 1860||2 years|
|P. M. Thompson||Williamsburg||Oct. 15, 1858||Dec., 1860||2 years||President|
|W.M. Petit||Williamsburg||Oct. 15, 1858||Dec., 1860||2 years|
|Robert Saunders||Williamsburg||Nov., 1860||May, 1862||1 year, 6 mo||President|
|Col. John D. Munford||Williamsburg||Nov., 1860||May, 1862||1 year, 6 mo|
|W. R. Garett||Williamsburg||Nov., 1860||May, 1862||1 year, 6 mo|
|Robert H. Armistead||Williamsburg||Nov., 1860||May, 1862||1 year, 6 mo|
|James M. Mahone||Williamsburg||Nov., 1860||May, 1862||1 year, 6 mo|
|John S. Lacy||Nov., 1860||May, 1862||1 year, 6 mo|
|Alexander H. Hankins||Nov., 1860||May, 1862||1 year, 6 mo|
|C. J. D. Pryor||Nov., 1860||May, 1862||1 year, 6 mo|
|John W. C. Catlett||Nov., 1860||May, 1862||1 year, 6 mo|
|Stafford G. Cook||York county||Nov., 1860||May, 1862||1 year, 6 mo|
|Charles K. Malory||Nov., 1860||May, 1862||1 year, 6 mo|
|Charles Morris||Dec., 1861||May, 1862||5 months||Dr.P. Wagner, assistant surgeon 5th Penn. Calvary, assigned as Supt. On the 21st of August 1862|
|H. S. H. Power||James City County||Sept. 12, 1865||Feb., 1866||4 months|
|W. H. Russell||James City County||Sept. 12, 1865||Feb., 1866||4 months|
|L. G. Bowden||Williamsburg||Sept. 12, 1865||Feb., 1866||4 months|
|Dr. C. M. Hubbard||James City County||Sept. 12, 1865||Nov. 11, 1866||2 months|
|William Wilburne||Williamsburg||Sept. 12, 1865||Nov. 11, 1866||4 months|
|Vulosko Vaiden||New Kent||Sept. 12, 1865||Nov. 11, 1866||4 months|
|Octavius Coke||Williamsburg||Sept. 12, 1865||Nov. 11, 1866||4 months|
|George Chahoon||Sept. 12, 1865||Nov. 11, 1866||4 months|
|Nicholas Mills||Sept. 12, 1865||Nov. 11, 1866||4 months|
|W. R. Jones||Sept. 12, 1865||Nov. 11, 1866||4 months|
|R. A. Claybrook||Sept. 12, 1865||Nov. 11, 1866||4 months|
|Ro. M. Garrett||Williamsburg||Feb., 1866||Mar., 1866||1 month||Resigned|
|William W. Vest||Williamsburg||Feb., 1866||Dec., 1867||1 year, 10 mo||Resigned|
|Thomas E. Evans||Feb., 1866||Dec., 1867||1 year, 10 mo|
|S. G. Coke||York county||Feb., 1866||Dec., 1867||1 year, 10 mo|
|Richard W. Hansford||Williamsburg||Feb., 1866||Dec., 1867||1 year, 10 mo|
|William F. Morecock||Williamsburg||Feb., 1866||Dec., 1867||1 year, 10 mo|
|David S. Cowles||Feb., 1866||Dec., 1867||1 year, 10 mo|
|William H. Yerby, Sr.||Williamsburg||Feb., 1866||Dec., 1867||1 year, 10 mo|
|Benj. S. Ewell||James City||Feb., 1866||Refused to serve|
|John D. Munford||Williamsburg||Feb., 1866||Refused to serve|
|Edward Camm||Williamsburg||Feb., 1866||Refused to serve|
|William R. Garrett||Williamsburg||Mar. 31, 1866||Dec., 1867||1 year, 9 mo|
|Thos. T. L. Snead||Mar. 31, 1866||Dec., 1867||1 year, 9 mo|
|Sherod T. Bowman||Mar. 31, 1866||Dec., 1867||1 year, 9 mo|
|Richard C. Wynne||Mar. 31, 1866||Sept., 1866||5 months||Died in Office|
|M. R. Harrell||Williamsburg||Sept., 1866||Dec., 1867||1 year, 3 mo|
|Wm. T. Barry, Brevet Major General and Colonel 2nd U.S. Artillery, com'd'g sub-Dist||Fort Monroe||Dec., 1867||July, 1868||7 months|
|Wm. Hays, Brevet Brigadier General and Major 5th U.S.Artillery||Dec., 1867||July, 1868||7 months|
|James Simmons, Brevet Colonel and Surgeon U.S.A. Medical director 1st Military District||Dec., 1867||Apr., 1869||1 year, 4 mo||President|
|T. M. Anderson, Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel||Dec., 1867||July, 1868||7 months|
|F. I. Massey, Brevet Captain, Captain 21st U.S. Infantry commanding Post of Yorktown||Dec., 1867||July, 1868||7 months|
|U.S. Military Commissioner, E.C. Darlington||Jan., 1868||Feb., 1870||2 years|
|Dr. P. Wagner||July, 1868||Jan., 1869||6 months||Died in Office|
|Madison Earle, Captain 21st U.S. Infantry||Sept., 1868||Feb., 1870||1 year, 4 mo|
|B. S. Ewell||James City County||Oct., 1868||Feb., 1870||1 year, 3 mo|
|Charles Gallagher||York county||July, 1868||Sept., 1868||2 months|
|R.A. Bright||Williamsburg||Nov., 1868||1873||5 years|
|Dr. C. S. Mills||Richmond||Dec., 1868||Feb., 1870||1 year, 2 mo|
|P. R. Hambrick, Brevet Major and 1st Lieutenant 45th U.S. Infantry||Jan., 1869||Feb., 1870||1 year, 1 mo|
|W. L. Sherwood, 2d Lieutenant 21st U.S. Infantry||Jan., 1869||Apr., 1869||3 months|
|W. T. B. Miliken||Apr., 1869||Feb., 1870||1 year|
|John Moore, Brevet Colonel and Surgeon, U.S.A.||Apr., 1869||Feb., 1870||1 year||President|
|James W. Lewellen||Dec., 1869||Feb., 1870||2 months|
|Henry T. Smith||Dec., 1869||Feb., 1870||2 months|
|E. Willard Smith||Williamsburg||Jan., 1870||1873||3 years|
|Judge O. M. Dorman||Norfolk||Apr., 1870||1873||3 years|
|Sydney Smith||Williamsburg||Apr., 1870||1873||3 years||President|
|John A. Henley||Williamsburg||Apr., 1870||1873||3 years|
|Friend Tuttle||Williamsburg||Apr., 1870||1872||2 years|
|Henry Gheiselin||Norfolk||Apr., 1870||1872||2 years|
|John T. Sewell||Gloucester||Apr., 1870||1873||3 years|
|Thomas Tabb||Hampton||Apr., 1870||1873||3 years|
|Vuloseo Vaiden||Richmond||1871||1872||1 year|
|John C. Davis||New Kent||Apr., 1870||1871||1 year|
|P.M. Thompson||Williamsburg||1872||1882||10 years||President|
|G.T. Wilmer, D.D.||Williamsburg||1873||1876||3 years|
|Name of Director||Residence When Appointed||Service Began||Service Ended||Time in Office||Remarks|
|Dr. J. C. Mercer||Williamsburg||1873||1876||3 years|
|J. D. Munford||Williamsburg||1873||1876||3 years|
|Dr. Ro. H. Power||Yorktown||1873||1876||3 years|
|A. H. Drewry||Charles City||1873||1876||3 years|
|Judge W. T. Jones||Gloucester||1873||1876||3 years|
|Dr. J.H. Claiborne||Petersburg||1873||1876||3 years|
|W.G. Taylor||Manchester||1873||1876||3 years|
|Dr. W. P. Palmer||Richmond||1873||1876||3 years|
|C. W. Button||Lynchburg||1873||1876||3 years|
|H. M. Waller||Williamsburg||1876||1882||6 years|
|L. H. Wharton, D.D.||Williamsburg||1876||1882||6 years|
|Dr. G. W. Semple||Hampton||1876||1879||3 years|
|Dr. R. H. Cox||King and Queen Co.||1876||1882||6 years|
|D. J. Godwin||Portsmouth||1876||1882||6 years|
|Dr. Wm. Alex. Thom||Northampton county||1876||1879||3 years|
|John Lamb||Charles City||1876||1882||6 years|
|George L. Christian||Richmond||1876||1878||2 years|
|Dr. W.D. Queenberry||Caroline county||1876||1882||6 years|
|Dr. C.W.P. Brock||Richmond||1877||1882||5 years|
|William D. Peachy||Shenandoah county||1878||1882||4 years|
|C.S. Harrison||Prince George Co.||1879||1882||3 years|
|William H. Palmer||Richmond||1879||1882||3 years|
|Judge R.L. Henley||James City||1882||1883||1 year||President -Readjuster|
|D.F. Bailey||Washington county||1882||1884||2 years||Readjuster|
|Dr. L. Ashton||Stafford county||1882||1884||2 years||Readjuster|
|W. P. Taylor||James City County||1882||1884||2 years||Readjuster|
|Col. H. DeB. Clay||James City County||1882||1884||2 years||Readjuster|
|P.T. Coles||James City County||1882||1884||2 years||Readjuster|
|Capt. Wm. E. Gaines||Nottoway county||1882||1884||2 years||Readjuster|
|Capt. C.H. Causey||Suffolk||1882||1884||2 years||President -Readjuster|
|Capt. H. Libbey||Elizabeth City Co.||1882||1883||1 years||Readjuster|
|Col. J. Howe Sayers||Pulaski county||1882||1884||2 years||Readjuster|
|Joseph Carr||Petersburg||1882||1884||2 years||Readjuster|
|Harrison Phoebus||Old Point||1883||1884||1 year||Readjuster|
|Dr. S.P. Nottingham||Northampton||1883||1884||1 year||Readjuster|
|T. B. Mahone||Williamsburg||1883||1884||1 year||Readjuster|
|Hon. John R. Thurman||Liberty||1884||1886||2 years||President|
|John H. Barlow||Williamsburg||1884||1885||1 year|
|Hon. H. A. Atkinson||Richmond||1884||1886||2 years|
|Hon. Thos. J. Christian||Mathews||1884||1887||3 years|
|R. M. Booker||Hampton||1884||1886||2 years|
|Maj. V. Vaiden||New kent county||1884||1886||2 years|
|D.G. Tyler||Charles City||1884||1887||3 years|
|Charles Milhiser||Richmond||1884||1887||3 years|
|W. J. Leake||Ashland||1884||1887||3 years|
|Geo. F.C. Richardson||James City||1884||1887||3 years|
|Rob. McCandlish||Middlesex||1884||1887||3 years|
|Capt. Ro. A. Bright||Williamsburg||1885||1887||2 years||President|
|Capt. R.E. Frayer||Richmond||1886||1887||1 year|
|Judge L.R. Watts||Portsmouth||1886||1887||1 year|
|Col. Walter H. Taylor||Norfolk||1887||July, 1901||14 years, 3 mo||President-Resigned|
|Capt. E.D. Starke||Richmond||1887||1890||3 years|
|Hon. John Callagan||Newport News||1887||1890||3 years|
|Col. John A. Henley||Williamsburg||1887||1889||3 years|
|James F. Hubbard||Warwick county||1887||1888||1 year|
|Julian M. Ruffin||Hanover county||1887||1890||3 years|
|Capt. T. McCracken||Fredericksburg||1887||1903||16 years||President|
|William P. Taylor||James City||1887||1888||1 year|
|Ro. Lee Spencer||James City||1887||1888||1 year|
|John M. Higgins||Richmond||1888||1891||3 years|
|Alexander F. Bagby||King and Queen||1888||1891||3 years|
|Dr. Chase W. Coleman||Williamsburg||1889||1890||1 year|
|Dr. Wm. H. Shields||Yorktown||1889||1890||1 year|
|Judge D. C. Richardson||Richmond||1890||1896||6 years|
|Dr. P.A. Irving||Farmville||1890||1896||6 years|
|Mr. Chas. F. Goodwyn||Nottoway county||1890||1892||2 years|
|Thos. E. Watkins||Charlotte county||1890||1895||5 years|
|A.J. Montague||Danville||1890||1892||2 years|
|Col. Wm. H. Aylett||King William||1891||1900||9 years||Died in Office|
|Dr. C.W.P. Brock||Richmond||1891||1893||2 years|
|Dr. L.S. Foster||Mathews county||1892||Dec., 1898||6 years, 9 mo||Resigned|
|R.W. Tuggle||Nottoway||1892||1898||6 years|
|Capt. E.D. Starke||Richmond||1894||July, 1897||3 years, 3 mo||Resigned|
|H.D. Cole||Williamsburg||1895||In Office|
|J.T. Lewis||Richmond||1896||1899||3 years|
|Dr. P.T. Southall||Amelia county||1896||1899||3 years|
|Dr. Thos. J. Cheatham||Chesterfield||1897||1900||3 years|
|Hon. Walter A. Watson||Nottoway||1898||1903||5 years|
|Geo. E. Smith||Lunenburg county||1899||1902||3 years|
|James F. Hubbard||York county||1899||1903||4 years|
|J.R. Segar||Middlesex county||1899||1901||2 years||Died in Office|
|Eugene Ould||Campbell county||1900||1903||3 years|
|B. R. Cowherd||Fluvanna county||1900||1903||3 years|
|Judge G.T. Garnett||Mathews||1901||Jan., 1904||2 years, 6 mo||Resigned|
|W.F. Keyser||Luray||July, 1901||1902||9 months|
|E.H. Clowey||Richmond||1902||In Offce|
|J.A. Regan||Danville||1902||1903||1 year||Resigned|
|Geo. C. Bland||King and Queen Co.||Feb. 1904||In Office|
Note: The dates and names in this list are as accurate as possible but it should be-remembered that there are no Directors' Minutes from 1801-1822 and the Annual Reports of the asylum did not begin until 1822. Also the Revolution and the Civil War caused disruption at the institution and therefore in the records. The changes in officers of the asylum are particularly difficult to follow during the Civil War and the years just following. For instance, Henrietta L. Bowden may have served as matron from about June through the middle of August 1862. Moses A. Harrell, appointed by Talbot Sweeney (attorney and collector of the asylum who took charge of the institution for a time in April 1863), may have served as steward for a short time.
|James Galt||Sept. 14, 1773-Dec. 8, 1800|
|William T. Galt||Dec. 16, 1800-July 1826|
|Jesse Cole||Aug. 5, 1826-Nov. 1, 1826|
|Dickie Galt||Nov. 1, 1826-Dec. 4, 1836|
|Henry Edloe||Jan. 14, 1837-June 20, 1837|
|Philip J. Barziza||June 20, 1837-June 1, 1841 (office abolished)|
|Dr. John de Sequeyra||Oct. 12, 1773-Feb. 1795|
|Dr. John M. Galt||Mar. 31, 1795-1808|
|Dr. Philip Barraud||Mar. 31, 1795-Dec. 1799|
|Dr. Alexander D. Galt||Jan. 7, 1800-April 24, 1841|
|Mary E. Galt (1st wife of James Galt)||1773-1778|
|Mary W. Taylor Galt (2nd wife of James Galt)||1786-1813(?)|
|Mary A. Galt (wife of William T. Galt)||1814(?)-1854|
|Henrietta L. Bowden||1854-1859(?)|
|Mrs. S. M. Christian||1859-1863|
|Elizabeth Clowes||October 14, 1865-1866|
|Martha A. Wootten||March 1, 1866-1893|
|Dr. John M. Galt II||June 1, 1841-May 18, 1862|
|Dr. Gillet P. Watson||June 5, 1862-August 1862|
|Dr. P. Wager August||1862-October 14, 1865|
|Dr. Leonard Henley||October 14, 1865-Mar. 1, 1866|
|Dr. R. M. Garrett||Mar. 1, 1866-Jan. 21, 1868|
|Dr. Authur E. Petticolas||Jan. 21, 1868-Nov., 1868|
|Dr. D. R. Brower||Jan. 1, 1869-Jan. 1, 1876|
|Dr. H. Black||Jan. 1, 1876-1882|
|Dr. Richard A. Wise||1882-1884|
|Dr. James D. Moncure||1884-Nov.10, 1898|
|Philip J. Barziza||June 1, 1841-1852|
|Charles C. P. Waller||1852-1858|
|Robert P. Taylor||1859-1860|
|William R. C. Douglas||January 1861-June 1862|
|Henry M. Bowden||June 1862-August 1862|
|William R. C. Douglas||Fall 1862- April 1863|
|Harrison Jones||April 1863-1865(?)|
|Robert P. Taylor||October 5, 1865-1867|
|R. H. Harrell||1867-1869|
|E. M. Lee||1869-1882|
|Thomas G. Peachy||1882-1884|
|C. P. Armistead||1884-1900|
|Joseph Hornsby||April 3, 1786-October 31, 1794|
|Robert Andrews||November 1, 1794-?|
|Robert Greenhow||in office by 1804|
|Roscow Cole||in office by 1810-1835|
|Jesse Cole||March 1835-1846|
|W. W. Vest||1846-1852|
|J. H. Barlow||1852-1858|
|Peter T. Powell||1858-?|
|Charles Hansford||October 14, 1865-1869|
|Charles B. Fry||1869-1870|
|John C. Davis||1870-1871|
|John C. Tilford||1871-1873|
Note: Duties of the treasurer were turned over to the steward on October 6, 1876, by the Board of Directors
|Feby. 26||Thos. Jefferson Esqr. For Sundry Books||38. 7. 6|
|June 3d.||Cash recd. Colo. Bland for Vattells Law of nature & the History of the Royall Society||1. -. -|
|Do. For Clark on the Trinity 6/. Horace 3/. Casar 3/.||-.12. -|
|Decr. 10.||Thos. Jefferson for Books & presses||191.12. 6|
|1775||Cash recd. Of Ch. Taliaferro for a Negro man named Casar.||60. -. -|
|Decr. 21.||Do. recd. Of David Ross for Roger a Negro Man||1600. -. -|
January 25th, 1783
I have this day taken into my hands the estate of my uncle at Martin's hundred.
There are one hundred and forty barrels of corn on the plantation; out of which is to be deducted the share of the overseer for the last year; which is one ninth of the whole crop amounting to two hundred and ten barrels. The 1/9 is 23 barrels and a half. The allowance for bread corn is 96 barrels: i.e. 84 for the Negroes and 12 for the overseer.
List of Negroes
There were put into the ground Twenty five bushals of wheat; which sowed 27,000 cornhills. Out of these negroes are Golah, Con, & Suez unfit for labour.
Three hundred & fifty lb cotton in seed.
The old woman Succordia is here omitted by mistake.
March 28. 1782.
I have this day received the following account of the estate at Charlotte from [left blank] Wade, the present overseer.
|Three old horses and two mares|
|a stray mare & 2 colts|
|Cattle 91||1 Waggon||11 old axes|
|Hogg & Pigs 155.||2 pr. iron traces||6 plough hoes|
|7 Sheep||16 old hoes||2 augers|
|3 lambs||1 Chisel||11 grubbing hoes|
|1 Crosscut saw||3 Iron wedges|
|1 iron frow|
|Jany.||17.||To Cash pd. Archd. Cary Esqr. for 52 lb. Bacon for the workmen at Bushy Park||1. 6. -|
|To do. pd. do. for Smithe Works & mendg. the Waggon at do.||12. -. -|
|Feby.||12.||To do.pd. Robert C. Nicholas Esqr. his Accot||46. 2.10½|
|16.||To do.pd. Edward Roberts his do||1.14. -|
|To do.pd. Robt. Nicholson his do||54.10. -|
|To do.pd. James Cocke his do||26.10.10|
|To do.pd. Wm. Nicholson his do||14. 2. 9|
|To do.pd. Messrs. Dixon & Hunter their do||3. 5. 3|
|To do.pd. Robt. Miller his do||22. 5. 6|
|To do.pd. Doctr. Pasteur his do||11. 1. 6|
|To do.pd. Ditto & Co. their do||3. 9. 3|
|To do.pd. Donald Ross his do||3.10. -|
|To do.pd. Jane Charlton her do||5. 5. 7½|
|To do.pd. Margt. Hunter her do||1.18. 1|
|To do.pd. Jacob Bruce his do||1. 2. -|
|To do.pd. Robt. Bond his do||1. 6 .3½|
|To do.pd. Doctr. de Sequeyra his do||38.14. -|
|17.||To do.pd. Thos. Pearman his do||54. 7. -|
|21.||To do.pd. James Craig his do||1. 1. 4|
|23.||To do.pd. Wm. Peirce his do||2.11. 3|
|To do.pd. Thos. Pate his do||10.17.10|
|March||2.||To do.pd. Henry King for Sussex Dare's Bond & Int||9.10. 8|
|To do.pd. Robt. Pleasants & Co. their Accot||4.10. -|
|Apr.||20.||To do.pd. Charles Miles his do||. 5. -|
|May||11.||To do.pd. James Taylor his do||1.14. 6|
|18.||To do.pd. Richd. Eggleston his do||8. 2. 6|
|20.||To do.pd. Wm. Russell his do||10.10. -|
|June||7.||To do.pd. Charles Barham his do||5.17. -|
|To do.pd. Paul Carrington for Levies in Charlotte||2.16. 3|
|8.||To do.pd. Jno. Bowdoin Co. their Accot||9. 9.10|
|To do.pd. John Roan||5.17. 3|
|July||18.||To do.pd. Benja. Allen inp||21. -. -|
|Aug.||12.||To do.pd. Lewis Burwell jr||6. -. -|
|13.||To do.pd. James Roan||13.19. -|
|14.||To do.pd. Edmd. B. Dickenson||2.15. 9|
|Octr.||21.||To do.pd. the Inspectors at Warwick||3. 5. -|
|Feby.||6.||To do.pd, Richd. Egglestone||8. -. -|
|To do.pd. Benja. Allen in full||12.17. 6|
|Mar.||6||To do.pd. Thos. Everard Clk. York for fees||1.18. 1|
|May||8.||To do.pd. Wm Graves his Accot||-.12. -|
|9.||To do.pd. Alexr. Speirs & Co. do||2.12. 8|
|To do.pd. Wm. Barret P rec||-.10. 6|
|To do.pd. Corbin Griffin P do||-.10. -|
|Carried to page 18||£460. -.3½|
|Novr.||15.||By Cash recd. of Mrs. Randolph being so much in the House at the Speakers death||35.15. 3|
|Feby.||12.||By Cash recd. Of the Treasuer for Bal. of his Salary as Speaker to the 6th Decr.||274.17. 4|
|16.||By cash borrowed of Mrs. Betty Randolph||50. -. -|
|May||18.||By do. Do. of do.||68. -. -|
|June||3.||By do. Recd. of Colo. Bland for 2 books||1. -. -|
|By do. for 3 do.||0.12. -|
|By do. Of Charles Taliaferro for Negro man Named Casar sold him||60. 0. 0|
|March||7.||By do. Recd. Peyton Randolph for a plow||4. -. -|
|By do. Of Mrs. Randolph for a Bible||1.10. -|
|May||10.||By do. of Mr. Jefferson for Books £38.7.6 & Int. 7/6||38.15. -|
|By do. of Archd. Cary Esqr. Bal his Accot. Full||7.10. -|
|By do. of do. for Erbys do.||2.10. -|
|By do. of Chs. Carter do.||5. -. -|
|By do. of Mr. Wm. Fleming for Deane Est. for do.||63.12. 6|
|By do. of do. for Jno. Mintor do.||8. 8. -|
|By do. borrowed of Mrs. Randolph 12 Augst||12. -. -|
|By do. recd. Of Colo. Richd. Lee for fee||7.10. -|
|By do. of Richd. Eggleston for do||5. 2. 6|
|By do. of Saml. Spurr Bal. His Acco||2.11. -|
|By do. of the Est. Littleberry Hardiman Acco fees||7.14. -|
|By do. of Lewis Burwell Gloster do.||10. -. -|
|By do. of Phil. P. Edmundson inp do.||3. -. -|
|By do. of Miss Molly Davenport Bal her Acco||3. 7.11|
|By do. recd. For Book||3.12. -|
|By do. recd. Of Colo. Johnson bal his Acco. Fee||4.10. -|
|By do. for 4 hhds. Tobo. Made at Bushy Park||41.10. 7|
|Carried to Page 19||£717. 8. 1|
[pp. 16 & 17]
Dr. Mrs. Betty Randolph in Acco. With the Est. Peyton Randolph Esqr. Cr.
[p. 16 blank except for heading; the entries below come from p. 17, the credit side of the account.]
|Feby.||16.||By Cash borrowed of her for the Est. P. Randolph Esqr.||50. -. -|
|May.||18.||By Do. do. for Do.||68. -. -|
|Augt.||13.||By Do. do. for Do.||12. -. -|
|Dr.||The Estate Peyton Randolph Esqr.|
|1777.||Brot. from. Page 14||460. -. 3½|
|Sept. 28.||To Cash Pd. Benja. Allen his Acco.||10. 1. -|
|To do. pd. the Wmsburg Lodge||1.12. 9|
|To do. pd. Thos. Doncastle||-.16.10½|
|Jany. 20.||To do. pd. John Prentis & Co||55.15. 5|
|To do. pd. Harrison Randolph||84.10. -|
|Apr. 10.||To do. pd. Beverley Dickson||8. 5. 7½|
|May 21.||To do. pd. Benja. Bucktrout||5. 7. 9|
|To Geo. Webb esqr, Treasr. lent him on Int. Feby. 6. 1778||100. -. -|
|June 5.||To Ditto do. do||197. -. -|
|To Cash pd. John Jaram for Drawing of Accots||1. 7. -|
|To do. pd. Dixon & Hunter their Acco||-.16. -|
|Septr. 11.||To Alexander Purdie his Acct||2.16. 3|
|March 13.||To James Southall his acct||11. 5. 6|
|To Cash pd. Jhn. Carter Bursar of the College impr. of Jno. Randolph Bond for which P. R. was Security||230. 2. 9|
|June 15th.||To Cash pd. Jno. Saunders his Accot||4.11.11|
|Decr. 21.||To do. paid Jno. Carter(Bursar of the College) in full of Jno. Randolph's Bond for which P. R. Was security||401.15. -|
|Jany. 27.||To George Brooke esqr. Treasr. lent him on Int||1247.10. -|
|1778||Brot. from Page 15||717. 8. 1|
|Jany B||y Cash recd. of Thos. Rutherford inp of his Note hand||15. -. -|
|By do. recd. of Mr. Parker by Robt Carter Jr. esqr||1. 1. 6|
|June 5.||By do. of Mr. Jefferson for Books||£191.12.6|
|Int. £5.1||196.13. 6|
|July 22d.||By do. of Mr. Thomas Epes by Nath. Harrison||2.12. 6|
|By do. of Jno. Woodlufs Exors. by do||2.10. 0|
|By do. of Mr. John Madison||1. 1. -|
|Novr. 30th.||By do. of John Hartwell Cocke for the Est. Jno. Rufgin||10. -. -|
|By do. of do. for Majr. Campbell||11.11. 6|
|By do. of do. for Majr. Clinch||5. 2. 6|
|By do. of the Trustees Jno. Randolph esqr||230. 2. 9|
|By do. of Thos. Rutherford for Bal. of his Note hand & Int||14. 3. 4|
|By do. of Mr. Jno. Tazewell Subscription toward paving the Streets retd||5. -. -|
|Decr. 21.||By do. recd. Of David Ross for Roger a Negro Man sold him||1600. -.-|
|Jany. 10.||By do. recd. of the Est. Carter Burwell Bal his Acco||16.15. 6|
[Further estate accounts, 1783-1785, concerning Peyton Randolph's Martin's Hundred plantation in James City County and Bushy Hill plantation in Charlotte County are omitted.]
Jany. 17th. 1776. Recd. of the. Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. one Pound Six shillings
for 52 li. Bacon furnish'd the workmen at Bushy Park by Jno. Rice, also twelve pounds
for Smiths work & for mending the wagons &c.
Feby. 12. Cash pd. Robt. C. Nicholas Esqr. His Accot. Piec. £46. 2.10½
Feby. 16.1776. Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd.
one Pound nineteen Shillings in full
Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd. fifty four Pounds ten shillings
Recd. twenty six Pounds ten Shillings & ten Pence in full
Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd. fourteen Pounds two Shillings &
nine Pence in full.
Recd. three Pounds five shillings & three Pence of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr.
in full for Messrs. Dixon & Hunter.
Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd. twenty two Pounds five shillings
& six Pence in full for Robt. Miller.
Recd. eleven Pounds one Shilling & six pence of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr.
Recd. of the Exrs. Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd. three Pounds nine Shillings & three
pence for Self & Co.
Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd. three Pounds ten Shillings in full.
Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd. five pounds five Shillings & seven
pence ½ in full for Mrs. Jane Charlton.
Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. one Pound eighteen shillings & one Penny
in full for Mrs. Margt. Hunter.
1776. Feby. 16. Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd. one Pound two Shillings
Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd. one Pound six Shillings & three
pence ½ in full.
February 16. 1776. Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd. thirty eight
Pounds fourteen Shillings, on Account of Dr. Sequeyra, which I am satisfied is just
17. Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd. fifty four Pounds seven Shillings
21. Recd. of the Exre. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. one pound one shilling & nine Pence
in full for James Craig.
23d. Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. two Pounds eleven Shillings & three
Pence in full.
do. Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. ten Pounds seventeen Shillings & ten Pence in full. Thomas Pate
March 20. Reed. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. nineteen Pounds ten Shillings
& eight Pence for Sussex Dare's Bond which the Speaker engaged to pay.
28. Recd. of the Exts. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. four Pounds ten Shillings in full.
Ro: Pleasants & Co.
Ap. 20. Recd. of the Exts. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. five Shillings in full.
May 11. Recd. one Pound fourteen Shillings & Six Pence of the Exrs. Peyton Randolph
Esqr. decd. in full.
May 18. Recd. Of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd. the sum of Eight pounds
Two & Sixteen on Accot. of Richd. Eggleston Sr.
Richd. Eggleston Jr.
1776 May 20th. Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. sum Ten Pounds ten Shillings
for his Parish Levies and Town Tax
June 7. Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd. five Pounds & seventeen
Shillings for Parish Levies in James City.
8. Recd. of the Exrs. Of Peyton Randolph Esqr. decd. nine Pounds nine Shillings &
ten pence in full for Jno. Bowdoin & Co.
Recd. five Pounds seventeen Shillings & three in full for Jno. Roans Accot.
July 18. Recd. Of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. twenty one Pounds inpr. for building
a House at Bushy Park.
Augt. 12. Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. Six Pounds for 30 bushl. Barley
for Lewis Burwell Jr. Esqr.
13. Recd. thirteen Pounds nineteen Shillings for bringing 196 Posts & 2300 Rales from
Merchts. Hundred to enclose the Meadow belonging to Jno. Greenhow.
14. Reed. of the Exrs. Peyton Randolph Esqr. two pounds fifteen Shillings & nine pence
Edmund B. Dickinson
Octr. 21. Recd. of the Exors. Peyton Randolph Esqr. three Pounds five Shillings for
the Inspectors at Warwick
1777 Feby 6. Recd. of the Exrs. Of Peyton Randolph Esqr. eight Pounds for
8 buchl. Salt lent him by Richd. Eggleston.
7. Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. twelve pounds seventeen shillings &
Six pence in full.
Received thirty eight Shillings and one penny for Clerks fees for Proving
the Will &c. of P. Randolph Esqr. decd.
March 6th. Thos. Everard
May 8. Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. twelve Shillings in full William Graves
9th. Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. two Pounds twelve Shillings & eight
pence in full for Alexr. Speirs & co.
Recd. of Exrs of Peyton Randolph Esqr. ten Pound one Shillin on account of Benjamin
September 28 1777 Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. fifty five pound 15s/
5d in full of Accot. due the late John Pretnis & Co.
Jany. 20th. 1778 Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph esqr. eighty four Pounds ten
Shillings in full.
Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph esqr. Eight pounds five shillings and seven
pence ½ penny for B. Dickson.
April 10th. Jno. Rowsay
Received May 21 1778 of Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. five pounds Seven Shillings
& Nine pence
Received September [1?]st. 1778 of Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. one Pound seven
Shillings for Copying his Books.
Received September llth. 1778 of Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. three pounds eight
& ninepence Balance of his account Due Alexr. Purdie.
Received March 13th. 1779 of Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. Eleven pound five Shillings
& Sixpence for Mr. Southall
1779, June 15th Recd. of the Exrs. of Peyton Randolph Esqr. Decd. four pounds 11s/11d
|Mrs. Bettey Randolph||Dr.|
|August 23rd||To Mortar and pinting Shead 3/.||£ -. 3. -|
|June 3||To 125 Bricks 7/. 5 bushs. of lime 7/6. 500 Nails 15/. 100 larths 2/6||1.12. -|
|To Mending larthing & plastering in Kitching & Covered way 15/. & hair 6d.||-.15.6|
|To Building Steeps to back door 6/. & 2 days labr. 8/.||-.14.-|
|To White washing Kitching, Closset Covered way 24 [sic]||1.14.-|
|October 2||To 73 brick 4/6. 2 bushs. of Mortar 3/. Rubg. & laying A harth 10/.||-.17.6|
|To Mending Celler wall 2/6. & 1 Days of labour 6/||-. 8.6|
|Decr. 2||To Repairing marble Chimnay Piece 12/, & plaster of Parris 3/||-.15. -|
|To Mortar/[sic] & ½ days labour 4/||-. 4. -|
|Novemr. 7||To lime 9d. & Working in A Celler Doorframe 3/.||-. 3. 9|
|[7. 7. 3]|
|Specie £ 3.10. 6|
|July 25th||By Cash in full from Benn. Harison Esqr. through the Hands of Mr. Thomas Dawson||£3.10.6|
|Jan.||24||To mending a Chariot spring 90/. April 26th. Iron work for Pr. Hames 40/.||6.10..-|
|April||28||mendg. pr. Tuggs 24/. May 10th. Sundries £5..7||6.1l..-|
|June||14||Sundries £34.13. 15th. Sundries 50/ By 14-½ lb old Iron @ 5/||3.12..|
|July||3||5 broad Hoes @ 120/. 4th. Sundries 108/||35..8..-|
|By Cash in full||44.16..|
|Aug.||17||To 1 strike Tier 7-½ lb @ 18/. 96 Nailes 16-½ lb @ 18/. sett Clamp pins 100/.||26.12.. -|
|Sept.||15||mendg. a strike Tier 24/. 8 Nailes for ditto 40/||3..4..-|
|17 Clampins 70/. 2 new Clamps 40/||5.10..-|
|Nov.||6||laying 3 Coulters 6 lb @ 25/. 3 new Ploughs 45-½ lb @ 25/.||64..7..6|
|lengthg. 3 bolts @ 18/. 3 new bolts & nutts @ 25/||6..9..-|
|By 25-½ lb old Iron @|
|23||To 6 hilling hoes at 7/6 for corn or pork|
|mending a coulter 31/3. hook & ring for Ox chain 50/.||4..l..3|
|Dec.||18||a new rail stay 5-½ lb @ 25/||6.17..6|
|mending 1 ditto 50/ an ox ring &c 6 lb @ 25/ 10||10..-..-|
|mending ring and hook 42/. a cleavy 6 lb @ 25/||9.12..-|
|Feb.||3||16 teer nails @ 15/ a new streak of teer 4 lb @ 40|
|By 18 lb old iron|
|14||12 tees for traces @ 40/ 9 swingletree irons @ 80/ 8 rings @ 40/.|
|May||18||making a nut for a brass nob. 45/.|
|Cr by Cash in full|
[Note: The tax lists vary through the years, occasionally showing abrupt changes-- i.e. beginning in 1820 lot numbers become meaningless but categories for residence and the value of buildings begin.]
|Year||Taxpayer||No. of lots||Bldg & Lot Value||Tax|
|1782||Betty Randolph||3||£ 6.._.._|
|1783||[" " not listed]|
|1785||Joseph Hornsby||5||10.._.._||_.. 1..6|
|1786||Joseph Hornsby||5||15.._.._||_.. 4..6|
|1789||Joseph Hornsby||5||21..10.._||1.. 1..6|
|1790-1796||Joseph Hornsby||5||21.._.._||1.. 1.._|
|1797||Joseph Hornsby||5||21.._.._||1.. 1.._|
|1800||[no George Carter, Joseph Hornsby, or Thomas G. Peachy listed]|
|1801||Thomas G. Peachy||9||110.00||1.72|
|1802||Thomas G. Peachy||[torn]|
|1803||Thomas G. Peachy||9||100.00||1.72|
|1804||Thomas S. Peachy||9||100.00||1.56|
|1805-1809||Thomas G. Peachy||13||120.00||1.88|
|1810-12||Thomas S. Peachy est.||13||120.00||1.88|
|1813||Thomas G. Peachy est.||13||120.00||2.49.6|
|1814||Thomas G. Peachy est.||13||120.00||3.32.4|
|1815||Thomas G. Peachy est.||13||120.00||4.36.2|
|1816-1817||Thomas G. Peachy est.||13||150.00||4.50|
|Year||Taxpayer||Residence||No. of lots||Bldg. Value||Bldg. & Lot Value||Tax||Transfers|
|1818||Thomas Peachy est.||12||$120||$3.60||1 lot taken off and charged to Thos. G. Peachy|
|Thomas G. Peachy||1||30||.90||Via Mary M. Peachy, house and lot which she has hitherto occupied a[s] a kitchen, laundry, and quarter for her servant lying north of the west and [west end ?] of her dwelling house and formerly charged to Thomas Peachy's estate|
|1819||Thomas G. Peachy||1||30||.90|
|Thomas Peachy est.||12||120||3.60|
|1820||Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||200||.90||Formerly charged to Thomas Peachy's estate|
|Thomas Peachy est.||1||1200||1350||3.60|
|1821-1822||Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||200||.68|
|Thomas Peachy est.||1||1200||1350||2.70|
|1823||Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||200||.61|
|Thomas Peachy est.||1||1200||1350||2.44|
|1824-1830||Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||200||.16|
|Thomas Peachy est.||1||1200||1350||2.40|
|1831-1832||Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||200||.16|
|Thomas Peachy est.||1||1200||1350||2.40|
|1833||Mary M. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||50||.04||Via Alexander & William Browne exors of Jos. Henderson|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||200||.16|
|Thomas Peachy est.||1||1200||1350||2.40|
|1834-1836||Mary M. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||50||.04|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||200||.16|
|Thomas Peachy est.||1||1200||1350||2.40|
|1837||Mary M. Peachy est.||1||50||.04|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||200||.16|
|Thomas Peachy est.||1||1200||1350||2.40|
|1838||Mary M. Peachy, est.||1||50||.05|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||200||.20|
|Thomas Peachy est.||1||1200||1350||3.00|
|Year||Taxpayer||Residence||No. of Lots||Bldg. Value||Bldg. & Lot Value||Tax||Transfers|
|1839||Mary M. Peachy est.||1||50||.05|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||200||.20|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||250||.25||Via Baldwin and formerly the property of John Paradise deced|
|Thomas Peachy est.||1||1200||1350||3.25|
|1840||Mary M. Peachy est.||1||100||.10|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||300||.30|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||250||.25|
|Thomas G, Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||1600||1800||3.25||Via B. Tucker comnr. heretofore charged to Thomas Peachy's estate|
|1841-1842||Mary M. Peachy est.||1||100||.12½|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||300||.38|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||250||.32|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||1600||1800||3.90|
|1843||Mary M. Peachy est.||1||100||.15|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||300||.45|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||250||.38|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||1600||1800[4?]||.68|
|1844||Mary M. Peachy est.||1||100||.12½|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||300||.37½|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||250||.31½|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||1600||1800||3.90|
|1845||Mary M. Peachy est.||1||100||.10|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Florida||1||300||.30|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Florida||1||250||.25|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Florida||1||1600||1800||3.12|
|1846-1848||Mary M. Peachy est.||1||100||.10|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||300||300||.30|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||150||250||.25|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||1600||1800||3.12|
|1849-1850||Mary M. Peachy est.||1||100||.10|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg||1||300||300||.30|
|Thomas G. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||150||250||.25|
|Archibald C. Peachy||Wmsbg.||1||1600||1800||3.12||Formerly charged to Thomas G. Peachy|
|1851||Archibald C. Peachy||California||1||1800||2200||4.32|
|1852||Archibald C. Peachy||California||1||1800||2200||3.96|
|1853-1855||Archibald C. Peachy||California||1||1800||2200||4.40|
|1856||Archibald C. Peachy||California||1||1800||2200||8.80|
|1857||St. George Peachy||Richmond||2500||3300||13.20|
|1858-1861||Richard W. Hansford||Wmsbg.||2500||3300||13.20|
[Note: The categories on which personal property was taxed change through the years. Beginning with the 1794 tax list this typescript only includes categories for which Peyton Randolph House owners and/or occupants were taxed. Since the 1815 taxed, list is especially detailed, it appears on a separate sheet.]
|Year||Name||Free males above 21 years||Tithable slaves||Slaves under 16||Horses||Cattle||Wheels|
|1783||Hornsby, Joseph- John, Molly, Lucy, Nanny, Rachel, James, Dicy, Ally, Ariana, Edmund||1||5||5||4||2||4|
|1784||Hornsby, Joseph- Jack, John, Tony, James, Molly, Lucy, Nanny, Rachel, Hannah, Dicy, Ally, Judy, Sylvia, Ariana, Phillip, Anthony, Jeffrey||1||9||8||3||5||4|
|[1785 list not on film]|
|1786||Hornsby, Joseph- John D. Wilkinson, Pompey, John, Jack, Toney, Hannah, Lucy, Rachel, Dicey, Fanny, Judy, Silvia, Phillip||2||9||3||6||14||4|
|[1787 list not on film]|
|Year||Name||Tithables above 12||Horses & Mares||Carriage wheels|
|1788||Hornsby, Joseph||7||8||6 (a post Chaise & Chair)|
|Hornsby, Joseph||1789||10||11||6 (a post Chaise & Chair)|
|1790||Hornsby, Joseph||9||10||6 (a post Chaise & Chair)|
|1791||Hornsby, Joseph||9||9||6 (a post Chaise & Chair)|
|1792||Hornsby, Joseph||11||9||6 (a post Chaise & Chair)|
|1793||Hornsby Joseph||9||5||6 (a post Chaise & Chair)|
|Year||Name||No. whites over 16||No. blacks over 12||No. blacks over 16||Horses||Coaches or Chariots||Chairs|
|1797||[Hornsby, Joseph not listed]|
|Peachy, Thomas G.||1||2||5||2||1||8.32|
|1802||Peachy, Thomas G.||1||2||5||2||1||8.32|
|1803||Peachy, Thomas G.||1||2||8||2||1||9.64|
|[2 wheeled riding carriages]|
|1804||Peachy, Thomas G.||1||11||3||1||10.20|
|[4 wheel riding carriage]|
|1805||Peachy, Thomas G.||1||12||3||1||10.64|
|1806||Peachy, Thomas G.||1||2||11||2||1||10.96|
|1807||Peachy, Thomas G.||1||2||11||2||1||10.96|
|[1808 no taxes taken]|
|1809||Peachy, Thomas G.||1||2||10||2||1||10.52|
|1810||Peachy, Tho. G. est.||3||10||2||1||10.96|
|[value do. with harness]|
|1813||Peachy, Mary M.||9||2||1||300||9.63|
|1814||Peachy, Mary M.||9||2||1||300||12.86|
|[1815 --||See separate sheet.]|
|1815, April 1||Date of receiving list from individual|
|Peachy Mary M.||Persons names charged with the Tax|
|No. of white males above 16 years old|
|8||Slaves above 16 years old|
|2||Slaves above 12 years old
Slaves between 9 and 12 years old
Free male Negroes above 16 & under 45 years old
|4||Horses, Asses, Mules, Mares and Colts|
|6||No. of heads of Cattle|
|2 wheel riding Carriages|
|Phaetons and stage waggons|
|1||All other 4 wheel riding Carriages|
|Watches: Gilt, Silver or Pinchbeck|
|Watches: Single eased Gold|
|1||Watches: Double eased Gold|
|Clocks: Works of wood without case|
|Clocks: Works of wood with case|
|Clocks: Works principally of metal|
|Clocks: Of value between 50 and $100|
|Clocks: Of value of $100 and upwards|
|1 secretary, 1 chest of drawers, 1 sideboard under $100, 9 Tables, 2 Bedsteads, 1 Mahy. settee, 18 old chairs, 1 Carpet above 20 and under $50||Bureau, Secretary or Bookcase, Chest of drawers, wardrobe or Cloathes press, Dining table or separate part thereof, Bedsteads sideboard without drawers or doors, Tea table or Card table in whole or in part of Mahogany, celeret or sideboard with drawers or doors, Sattee or Spha, Chairs, Carpet, Window curtains and Venetian blinds within the window of any house|
|2 portraits in oil, 5 Pictures above e12 in. 1 Piano-forte value $300, 1 Looking glass of 2 and under 3 feet||Portrait, Picture, print or Engraving, Mirror or Looking glass, Pianoforte Harpsicord, organ or Harp|
|2 Cloathes presses||Bureau, Secretary, or Book case, chest of drawers, Wardrobe, cloathes press of any other wood than Mahogany|
|1 Plated Coffee pot, 1 do. Tea pot, 4 do. caldlesticks, 3 cut glass decanter, 1 do. Bowl||Urn, Coffee or Tea pot, Candlestick Lamp, Chandelier, Epergne, Gerandole, Decanter, Pitcher, Bowl, Goblet, Wash bason, stand or salver, Tankard Cup or waiter|
|Year||Name||No. white males above 16||No. slaves above 16||No. slaves above 12||Horses mules mares colts||2 Wheel Riding Carriages & Harness||Coaches and harness||Tax|
|1816||Peachy, Mary M.||9||1||2||$250||$12.36|
|[1817||list not on film]|
|1818||Peachy, Mary M.||11||3||200||13.24|
|1819||Peachy, Mary M.||1||11||1||250||12.88|
|Peachy, Thomas G.||1||1||1||.88|
|1820||Peachy, Thomas G.||1||1||$200||1.68|
|Peachy, Mary M.||1||16||2||2||50||16.56|
|1821||Peachy, Mary M.||1||12||3||150||7.76½|
|Peachy, Thomas G.||1||2||.27|
|1822||Peachy, Thomas G.||1||1||.13½|
|Peachy, Mary M.||10||2||3||150||7.76½|
|1823||Peachy, Mary M.||7||2||100||4.53|
|Peachy, Thomas G.||1||4||1||2.00|
|1824||Peachy, Thomas G.||1||3||1||1.53|
|Peachy, Mary M.||6||2||2||100||5.00|
|1825||Peachy, Mary M.||7||2||4 wheeled riding carriage &c value $100||6.03|
|Peachy, Thomas G.||1||4||1||1 gig and harness value $80||2.80|
|1826||Peachy, Thomas G.||1||4||1||gig &c $50||2.00|
|Peachy, Mary M.||10||1||2||Carriage &c. gig &c $50||$250||7.91|
|[No. free males over 16]|
|1827||Peachy, Thomas G.||1||4||1||gig & harness||$50||2.50|
|Peachy, Mary W.||11||3||3||gig & harness
4 wheeled riding carriage &c
|1828||Peachy, Mary M.||12||3||4 wheeled riding carriage &c
|Peachy, Thomas G.||1||4||1||gig & harness||$50||2.50|
|1829||Peachy, Mary M.||13||3||4 wheeled riding carriage||$200/gig 50||8.00|
|Peachy, Thomas G.||1||4||1||gig & harness||$80||2.50|
|1830||Peachy, Thomas G.||1||9||1||gig & harness||$65||3.88|
|Peachy, Mary M.||12||5||4 wheeled riding carriage||$200||6.60|
|Year||Name||No. free males over 16||No. slaves over 16||No. slaves over 12||Horses mules mares colts||Riding and pleasure carriages, stage waggons, Jersey waggons, harness belonging thereto||Tax|
|1831||Peachy, Mary M.||13||2||4||4 wheeled riding carriage $200||5.99|
|Peachy, Thomas G.||1||6||1||4||gig & harness $70||2.69|
|Peachy, Thos. G. & Co.||9||2.25|
|1832||Peachy, Thos. G. & Co.||8||2.00|
|Peachy, Thomas G.||1||7||1||gig $70||2.51|
|Peachy., Mary M.||16||4||4 wheeled riding carriage $200||6.24|
|[1833||list not on film]|
|1834||Peachy, Mary M.||15||1||3||4 wheeled riding carriage $200||6.18|
|Peachy, Thomas G.||1||5||1||1||gig & harness $50||[illeg.]|
|1835||Peachy, Thomas G.||2||5||1||1||gig & harness $50||2.06|
|Peachy, Mary M.||15||1||5||4.30|
|1836||Peachy, Mary M.||16||1||6||4.61|
|Peachy, Thomas G.||2||5||1||1||gig &c $50||2.06|
|1837||Peachy, Thomas G.||3||15||5||4.05|
|1838||Peachy, Thomas G.||3||14||2||6||5.28|
|[1839 & 1840||lists not on film]|
|1841||Peachy, Thomas G.||3||22||6||9.55|
|1842||Peachy, Thomas G.||3||24||9||1 gold watch, 1 silver watch. 1 piano, gold & silver plate valued at $125||13.22½|
|1843||Peachy, Thomas G.||4||19||4||9||1 gold watch, 1 silver watch, 1 piano valued at $50, silver valued at $50, fees from any business or profession $100||15.84|
|1844||Peachy, Thomas G.||3||24||8||1 gold watch, 1 silver watch, piano valued at $50, physiciant & surgeons paying specific taxes $5||18.60|
|1845||Peachy, Thomas G.||2||4||1||1||physicians & surgeons tax $5||1.70|
|[1846 & 1847||lists not on film]|
|Year||Name||No. free males over 16||No. slaves over 16||No. slaves over 12||Horses mules mares colts||[Specific taxable items]||Tax|
|1848||Peachy, Thomas Sr.||4||1||1||piano $200, physicians & surgeons tax $5||4.70|
|Peachy, Thomas Jr.||1||--|
|1849||Peachy, Thomas Sr.||4||1||1||piano $200||4.70|
|Year||Name||White males above 16||Slaves above 16||Horses mules etc.||Gold watches & value||Pianos value||Tax|
|1850||Peachy, Thomas Sr.||2||3||1||$150||$3.81|
|1851||Peachy, Thomas Sr.||2||6||1||100||4.65|
|Peachy, Thomas Jr.||1||---|
|Name||Hansford, Richd.||Peachy, Thos. G. Jr.||Peachy, Thos. G. Sr.|
|Free male tithables above 16||1||1||1|
|Slave tithables above 16||3|
|White males above 21||1||1||1|
|Slaves 12 and above|
|Horses, mules, asses, jennies||1|
|Pianos & harps|
|Household & kitchen|
|Value other personal property not already listed|
|Amt. securities due to others|
|Agregate of values after||$430.|
|deducting exemptions embraced in last column||100|
|Tax-- state||$.36||$ .36||2.75|
|Name||Hansford, Richd. W.||Peachy, Thos. [Sr.]||Peachy, Thos. [Jr.]|
|Free male tithables above 16||1||1||1|
|Slave tithables above 16||6|
|White males above 21||1||1||1|
|Slaves 12 and above||6|
|Horses, mules, asses, jennies||2|
|Pianos & harps|
|Household & kitchen|
|Value other personal property not already listed|
|Amt. securities due to others|
|Agregate of values after deducting exemptions embraced in last column||$105||$200||$666|
|Tax-- state||.61||1.73 20/100||4.40|
|Name||Hansford, Richd. W.||Peachy, Thos. [Sr.]||Peachy, Thos. [Jr.]|
|Free male tithables above 16||1||1||1|
|Slave tithables above 16||5|
|White males above 21||1||1||1|
|Slaves 12 and above||5|
|Horses, mules, asses, jennies||1||1|
|Pianos & harps|
|Household & kitchen|
|Value other personal property not already listed||$10|
|Amt. securities due to others||$250|
|Agregate of values after deducting exemptions embraced in last column||$195||$901||$390|
|Tax-- state||.79||5.20 20/100||1.18|
|Name||Hansford, Richd. W.||Peachy, Thos. [Jr.]||Peachy, Thos. [Sr.]|
|Free male tithables above 16||1||1||1|
|Slave tithables above 16||4|
|White males above 21||1||1||1|
|Slaves 12 and above||4|
|Horses, mules, asses, jennies||1||1|
|Pianos & harps|
|Household & kitchen|
|Value other personal property not already listed|
|Amt. securities due to others|
|Agregate of values after deducting exemptions embraced in last column||$195||$245||$886|
|Tax-- state||.79||.89||4.57 20/100|
|Name||Hansford, Richd. W.||Peachy, Thos. [Jr.]||Peachy, Thos. [Sr.]|
|Free male tithables above 16||1||1||1|
|Slave tithables above 16||4|
|White males above 21||1||1||1|
|Slaves 12 and above||4|
|Horses, mules, asses, jennies||1|
|Pianos & harps|
|Household & kitchen|
|Value other personal property not already listed|
|Amt. securities due to others|
|Agregate of values after deducting exemptions embraced in last column||$175||$125||$886|
|Tax-- state||1.50||1.30||9.14 40/100|
|Name||Hansford, Richd. W.||Peachy, Thos. Jr.||Peachy, Thos. Sr.|
|Free male tithables above 16||1||1|
|Slave tithables above 16||2|
|White males above 21||1||1|
|Slaves 12 and above||2|
|Horses, mules, asses, jennies||1|
|Pianos & harps|
|Household & kitchen furniture- value||$70||$250|
|Value other personal property not already listed|
|Amt. securities due to others|
|Agregate of values after deducting exemptions embraced in last column||$175||$175||$386|
|Tax-- state||1.50||1.50||3.94 40/100|
|Name||Hansford, Richd. W.||Peachy, Thos. Jr.|
|Free male tithables above 16||1||1|
|Slave tithables above 16|
|White males above 21||1||1|
|Slaves 12 and above|
|Horses, mules, asses, jennies|
|Pianos & harps|
|Household & kitchen furniture- value||$70|
|Value other personal property not already listed|
|Amt. securities due to others|
|Agregate of values after deducting exemptions embraced in last column||$175|
|Name||Hansford, Richd. W.||Hansford., Richd. W.||Hansford, Richd. W.|
|Free male tithables above 16||1||1||1|
|Slave tithables above 16||1||4|
|White males above 21||1||1|
|Slaves 12 and above||1||4||4|
|Horses, mules, asses, jennies||2||2|
|Pianos & harps|
|Household & kitchen|
|Value other personal Property not already listed||$25|
|Amt. securities due to others|
|Agregate of values after deducting exemptions embraced in last column||$175||$516||$525|
|Tax-- state||2.70||7.66||7.69 20/100|
|[1 white male above 16 4 slaves above 16]|
|Mr. Joseph Hornsby||Dr.|
|Novr.||4th||To Cash (from Ledger A. Folio 141)||£ 16.17.6|
|To 14 Bushs. of lime at 1/||-.14.-|
|To cuting out & putg. in 5 window frames at 3/||-.15.-|
|5 To 4 bushs. of lime 4/ & hair 1/ & 8 days labr. of boys at 1/3||-.15.-|
|To repairing larthing & plastering to Dary 15/||-.15.-|
|Decr.||13||To 22 ½ bushs. of lime at 1/ & 100 bricks 3/||1. 5.6|
|To 1 bushell of hair 2/ & laying an harth 1/6||-. 3.6|
|To setting up a Grate 7/6||-. 7.6|
|To larthing & plastering 41 yds. at 6d||1. 0.6|
|1785||To 3 days labr. at 2/6 & working cellar door at 3/||-.10.6|
|August||8||To 19 bushels of lime 19/ & 1334 bricks|
|At 3/ pr. Centum||2.19.-|
|To 2 Days labour 5/ & underpinning Granary 24/||1. 9.-|
|19||To 22 bushels of lime at 1/||1. 2.-|
|To 668 bricks at 3/ & 2 days labr. At 2/6 & repairg. Well 15/||2. -.-|
|August||8th||By 80 Bricks||£ -. 2.|
|February||11th||By his Account to This day||£28. 3.10¾|
|By Cash to Ballance||2.12. ¼|
|Joseph Hornsby Wmsburg||Dr||Cr|
|Brought from Leager A folio 275||£ 2.18.2½|
|Oct||22||To four poll Axes 2441b @ 18d||1.16.4½|
|Novr||19||To Shoeing two horses before||.. 6..-|
|Credit by Cash in full||£5..0..|
|Jan||19||To mending a Tea kittle||.. 1..3|
|Feb||26||To mending a Cleavey for a plough||.. 1..3|
|To a New Side for one Ditto||.. 2..3|
|Mar||1||To mending a trace 7½ two bolts for Cleaveys 1/6||2.1½|
|10||To mending a plough 2/ pointing a plough & laing wing 3/9||.. 5..9|
|To Repairing a Colter||.. 1..3|
|17||To mending a key for a door lock||.. 1..3|
|26||To Shoeing three horses before @ 3/||.. 9..-|
|Apr||24||To mending a brass box for a door||.. 1..3|
|June||2||To twelve tier Nails for Chariot @ 2d||.. 2..-|
|To Repairing a pair of Splinter bar Irons||.. 1..3|
|To mending a tier for a wheel 7½||.. -.7½|
|To pointing a plough & laing wing 3/ mending Chain 7½d||.. 3.7½|
|July||9||To mending a bolt 1/ Repair'g forepart of a Chariot 2/6||.. 3..6|
|To a pole pin 9d Cleaning a bridle bit 1/3||.. 2..-|
|22||To Repairing a lock||.. 1..3|
|Sept||19||To pointing a plough & laing the wing||.. 3..9|
|To Repairing the Colter 8d||-..8|
|20||To pointing a plough and laing the wing||.. 3..-|
|Oct||7||To a Sett of tier Nails for Cart wheels||..16..8|
|24||To Shoeing four horses before @ 3/||..12..-|
|To twenty Six wedges for Chariot wheels @ 2d||.. 4..4|
|Nov||30||To lengthing an Axletree for a Cart||..10..-|
|Dec||16||To laing a poll ax||.. 5..-|
|24||To laing an Axletree for a Chariot||..10..-|
|To two hotters 3/ One linchpin 6d||.. 3..6|
|30||To Shoeing a horse before 2/6||.. 2..6|
|31||To four pair of Shoes for four horses @ 2/6||..10..-|
|To two Removes for one Ditto||.. 1..3|
|Feb||4||To one tier Nail for a Chariot 2d Clamp for Ditto 1/6||.. 1..8|
|To cutting a hoop Ditto||-..7½|
|10||To lengthing the ends of an Axletree for a Cart||.. 5..-|
|To two linchpins and four washers @7½d||.. 3..9|
|To Cutting two hoops for knaves of wheels||.. 1..3|
|12||To a pair of tuggs and Rings for hames||.. 3..9|
|To two hooks & Staples for a Cart @ 7½d||.. 2..6|
|To two Staples for a backband Ditto||.. 1..3|
|To Repairing three Staples @ 2d||-..6|
|15||To laing a large Cutter 2/6 Mending a Cleavey 1/3||.. 3..9|
|To pointing a Chip plough 2/6 Repairing wing 1/3||.. 3..9|
|Mar||7||To pointing two ploughs & laing the wings.||.. 7..6|
|To laiing a Colter 1/3 putting a heel to one Ditto 1/3||.. 2..6|
*Dr. Kaiser is professor of classical studies at Loyola University, Chicago, Illinois. - Back to Text
1. This information, along with the Latin text of the epitaph and a free English translation,
is found in Edmund Randolph Williams, The Randolph Tablet and an Item for Family Records (Richmond, 1950), 3-9. Williams' Latin text exhibits these typographical errors: at que (for etque); Gloectriae (for Glocstriae); pulchritudeo (for pulchritudo); ingenuii (for ingenii); acquitas (for aequitas); moboque (for morboque); conjugam (for conjugem); fliamqueunicam (for filiamque unicam). There should be a period after praeluxerunt, and a comma after vixisset.
In an unsigned article in the William and Mary College Quarterly, 1st ser., XII (1903-1904), 66-69, there are facts concerning the restored tablet, together with a photograph and translation of the Latin text of the replica. The photograph reveals these spelling errors on the replica: ornamemtum (for ornamentum); instuctus (for instructus); mobo (for morbo).
The text of the original marble tablet had earlier been printed in The History of the College of William and Mary (Richmond, 1874), pp. 70-73, and in badly spelled form, in J. L. Hall, "Ancient Epitaphs and Inscriptions in York and James City Counties, Virginia," Proceedings of the Virginia Historical Society, (Richmond 1892) pp. 88-89, Volume XI, Collections of the Virginia Historical Society, new series. These spelling were pointed out in my collection of American Latin epitaphs in The Classical Journal, LI (1955), 79, 81. - Back to Text
2. An Occasional Bulletin of the Virginia Historical Society, XVI (April 1968), 13-15. - Back to Text
3. The "Miscellany" is a large collection Of some 3,000 items consisting of material relating to the colony and state of Virginia dating from 1721 to 1818; it includes proceedings of meetings of the President of William and Mary College and the Masters. Cf. Handbook of Manuscripts in the Library Of Congress (Washington, 1918), pp. 504-509. I am grateful to Mr. Lloyd A. Dunlap, Acting Chief of the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress, for his interested help. - Back to Text
4. Cf. the unsigned article, "Williamsburg-The Old Colonial Capital," William and Mary College Quarterly, 1st ser., XVI (1907), 17. A few other Dawson pieces are in the "Miscellany." - Back to Text
5. The abbreviation S. E. of the Latin is for situs est. - Back to Text
6. The words Ornamentum and Columen were used by Cicero (cf. Pro Milone 37 and Pro Sestio 29) to honor distinguished statesmen. - Back to Text
7. Igenua totius corporis puleritudo is a direct quotation from Pliny, Letters I.14. - Back to Text
8. CF. senatoiae dignitatis in Cicero, In Verrem II.I.4. - Back to Text
9. On the phrase Ingenii acumen, cf. Cicero, Pro Flacco 9 and Nepos, Alcibiades II.3. - Back to Text
10. The words Tandem Norfolcicae primus (quod dicitur) Recordator designatus appear in the manuscript enclosed in brackets. They are not found in the text of the replica. - Back to Text
11. The clause Cum...vixisset is a paraphrase of a passage in Cicero, Pro Marcello 25, where Julius Caesar is being described. - Back to Text
12. The words 6to Non. Mar. ("six days before the Nones of March") signify March 2, according to the ancient Roman method of dating. Williams in his translation renders them by "the 20th day of March," while on p. 5, he states that Randolph died on march 6. March 6 is likewise the rendering in the anonymous William and Mary Quarterly translation mentioned in footnote 1 above. The Dictionary of American Biography gives March 2 as the deathday. - Back to Text
13. The numerals after Aetat can no longer be read. - Back to Text
14. The words singulos superstites in the manuscript have a line drawn through them and do not appear in the replica. - Back to Text
15. The text first read conjugem dilectam, fidam, prudentem, which was changed and reduced to conjugem dilectissimam, the reading of the replica. - Back to Text
1. See JM to Randolph, 9 April; and Randolph to JM, 11-13 April 1782. - Back to Text
2. The antecedent of "one" is the "maritime code" adopted by Congress on 7 April 1781 (JCC, XIX, 361-64). - Back to Text
3. In April 1776 Congress had agreed upon the form of commission and instructions to be issued to the captain of a privateer. This commission obliged him only to bring his prizes to "some convenient ports in the said colonies, in order that the courts which are or shall be there appointed to hear and determine causes, civil and maritime, may proceed, in due form, to condemn the said captures, if they be adjudged lawful prize" (JCC, IV, 247-48, 253). Following the adoption of the Articles of Confederation, Congress on 7 April 1781 revised these instructions but still permitted prizes, wherever captured, to be brought "to judgment in any of the courts of admiralty that now are or hereafter may be established in any of these United States" (JCC, XIX, 362). In spite of Randolph's scruples that the sovereignty of each state, affirmed in Article 11 of the Articles of Confederation, obliged prizes to be condemned by the admiralty court of the state in whose waters the capture occurred, Congress did not modify the instructions of 7 April 1781 in this regard before the close of the war. See n. 6, below. - Back to Text
5. In characterizing the executive of Virginia, Randolph approximately quoted from Governor Harrison's letter of 21 January 1782 to General Greene (Jameson to JM, 26 January 1782, n. 1). Randolph obviously used "imbecility" in the sense of impotence rather than of mental debility. - Back to Text
6. In his reply of 1 May 1782 (q.v.), JM agreed with Randolph's contention that the ninth article of the Articles of Confederation, by conferring upon Congress the authority to establish "courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures," assumed that each state would create a court of admiralty with original jurisdiction over captures occurring inside the boundaries of that state (n. 3, above). This assumption was in no way weakened by the further provision in the same article, giving Congress "the sole and exclusive right… of establishing rules for deciding in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal" or by the stipulation in the sixth article that privateering commissions and letters of marque or reprisal, issued by a state, must conform with "such regulations as shall be established by the united states in congress assembled" (JCCXIXdeleted - Back to Text
7 The Virginia General Assembly at its session of May 1782 did not issue more bills of credit. - Back to Text
8 [Footnote presumed to have been cut-off from original text] At the onset of the Revolution John Randolph (ea. 1727-1794), Edmund's father had been the attorney general of the Crown and a burgess in the provincial assembly from the College of William and Mary. True to his allegiance to King George III, he had fled to England in 1775 with his wife and two daughters, Susanna and Ariana (Boyd, Papers of Jefferson, I, 240-43, 244, 268-70; 111, 116). Edmund's uncle, Peyton Randolph (d. October 1775), had willed his estate to his wife (d. 1783) and, upon her death, to his brother John, with the proviso that, upon John's death, the property would descend to Edmund, except for £500 to each of Edmund's sisters. Having assumed the obligation of discharging the large debts owed by his father in Virginia and of sending money, whenever opportunity offered, to him in England, Edmund was financially embarrassed in the spring of 1782. He would soon be additionally burdened by the management of the land and slaves left by Mrs. Peyton Randolph upon her death. At the time of the present letter Edmund was dependent upon his rapidly growing law practice for most of his income (Moncure D. Conway, Edmund Randolph, pp. 48-50). - Back to Text
9. Although the Virginia General Assembly in its session of May 1782 provided for paying the long overdue salaries and allowances of the delegates, Randolph did not return to Congress (Jameson to JM, 9 March, n. 4; Virginia Delegates to Harrison, 12 March 1782, n. 4). - Back to Text
Qq.v. - Back to Text
4. Randolph to JM, 3 Jan., and nn. 2, 6, 7; JM to Randolph, 22 Jan. 1783. - Back to Text
5. JM to Jefferson, 11 Feb., and n. 12; to Randolph, 11 Feb. 1783. The income from the estate of Randolph's aunt,
Elizabeth Harrison Randolph, was to be for the use of his father, John Randolph, a
Loyalist living in England with his two daughters, Ariana and Susanna. Edmund Randolph
necessarily had to assume, on behalf of his father and sisters, the administration
of the estate and the task of paying the debts owed by his father when he left Virginia
in 1775 (Papers of Madison, IV, 162, n. 8).
In the issues of the Virginia Gazette of 1, 8, and 15 February 1783, Edmund Randolph published this notice: "The Creditors of my father, John Randolph, Esq; are requested to meet me, in person or by their Agents, in this City, on the first Monday in March next. It is my intention to propose to them a Mode of adjusting their several claims." In the same issues of the Gazette, "The Executors" announced that in Williamsburg on 19 February, property of "the late Mrs. Betty Randolph," including an eight-room house "on the great square," furnishings, stables large enough for twelve horses and two carriages, and "several acres of pasture," would be sold to the highest bidder. No slave in Mrs. Randolph's estate was advertised for sale. See also Randolph to JM, 7 Mar.; 22 Mar. 1783; Moncure Daniel Conway, Omitted Chapters of History Disclosed in the Life and Papers of Edmund Randolph (New York, 1888), pp. 48-50. - Back to Text
6. Colonel Maurice Simons was commercial agent for Virginia in Charleston, S.C, from 15 November 1777 until the fall of the town to the British on 12 May 1780, whereafter he became commissioner for attending the needs of Virginia prisoners of war in that city (Papers of Madison, I, 227-28, 229, n. 2; ICSV, II, 29, 38, 122-23). On 23 December 1781, then in Richmond, he requested authority to transport Virginia tobacco either to New York City or to Charleston "to discharge tile debts contracted by the American Prisoners" (Cal. of Va. State Papers, II, 669; ICSV, III, 11, 33). On 2 April 1782 Governor Harrison issued a proclamation stating that the Virginia-owned brig "Mentor" would sail to Charleston as a flag with 357 hogsheads of tobacco "for the proper account of Maurice Simmons" (McIlwaine, Official Letters, III, 189, 190 n.). This transaction appears to have been completed satisfactorily; but in January 1783 the "Mentor" returned from New York City deleted - Back to Text
*Mr M says he professes to teach every branch of complete Education taught in most approved Schools- & Latin if particularly requested with out additional price - Back to Text
1. Captain William Harding sailing the ship Duke of Cumberland, was in Virginia in the spring of 1740 (Letter of Richard Chapman to Mr. Edward Athawes, Pammonky [Pamunkey), May 4, 1740, by the Duke of Cumberland, Capt. Harding. Wm. Q. (I), XXI, 96). Capt. Harding with the Duke of Cumberland, "a prime sailor mounted with 26 Guns and well manned," took tobacco on consignment to John Hanbury, merchant in London (Va. Gaz., Jan. 25-Feb. 1, 1740). - Back to Text
1. William Randolph (1681-1742) was the oldest of the seven sons of William and Mary Isham Randolph of Turkey Island. He was called "Councillor" Randolph, was clerk of Henrico court, member of the Council, and treasurer of Virginia. He married Elizabeth Beverley, daughter of Colonel Peter Beverley of Gloucester County and sister of Lady Susanna Randolph. They had five children: Beverley, Peter, William, Mary, Elizabeth (see entry for Mar. 19, 1741; Va. Mag., XXXIII, 395-7, XLV, 68). - Back to Text
2. Edward Randolph, youngest son of William Randolph of Turkey Island, was a sea captain. He married Miss Groves of Bristol, England, and divided his time between England and Virginia. Byrd saw him at intervals during his residence in England (Diary, 1717-1721). He frequently carried out commissions for the family at Westover as well as other Virginians. He was elected agent for Virginia in London by the Burgesses in 1740, to present petition regarding the importation of salt, but the Council voted against having an agent in the particular matter and the Burgesses revoked their action. Randolph, who had sailed the ship Williamsburg and then the Randolph, named his ship for Gov. Gooch-not disinterestedly the Governor thought as he showed in the following passage in a letter to his brother "for if a Governor is so fortunate as to be beloved, his name-sake will always get her laden" (June 28, 1729; Gooch Letters, Colonial Williamsburg Inc. 1728-50, Passim; Va. Mag., XXXVI, 41, XLV, 84, 394; JHB, 1727-1740, pp. 441-2; W m. Q. (1), XXI, 99-100). - Back to Text
3. Lady Randolph, the widow of Sir John Randolph, was Susanna Beverley daughter of
Peter Beverley of Gloucester County. Sir John Randolph was a close friend of Byrd,
who had known him all his life, and esteemed him greatly and lamented his untimely
death in 1737 (Va. Mag. III, 205-8, IX, 239-41, XXXVI, 42). Lady Randolph was the mother of John Randolph, King's Attorney at the outbreak
of the Revolution, Peyton Randolph, president of the first Continental Congress, Beverley
Randolph, and Mary Randolph who married Philip Grymes of "Brandon." (Va. Mag., XXXII, 141, XLV, 85.) Sir John and Lady Randolph lived in what is known as the Randolph-Peachy House in
Williamsburg at the corner of Nicholson and England Streets, facing Market Square
and in the neighborhood of the Palace (Goodwin, Williamsburg in Virginia, pp. 180-181).
"My neighbor Sir J. Randolph is dead, a great loss to this Country, which has no other effect upon me than my concern for the Publick," Governor Gooch wrote to his brother, Mar. 8, 1737 (Gooch Letters Colonial Williamsburg, Inc.) Lady Randolph enjoyed a wide reputation as a gracious, hospitable and efficient hostess, whose table was counted elegant, generous and open (Va. Gaz., Mar. 4-11, 1737). - Back to Text
1 Ex-Governor Alexander Spotswood was in Williamsburg in connection with the enlistment and equipment of Virginia troops for the colonial regiment he was organizing for the expedition against Carthagena in the war with Spain. On this expedition Spotswood was to be second in command under Lord Cathcart and colonel of the American regiment, but he died before the troops sailed and Governor Gooch took his place (Leonidas Dodson, Alexander Spotswood [Philadelphia, 1932], pp. 302-3; for the death of Spotswood, see the entry for June 14, 1740). - Back to Text
1. I.e. to Bruton Parish Church. - Back to Text
2. Richard Hartwell (spelled Hartswell, Hartwol), who came into Virginia in 1739 with only Deacon's orders, was a problem to Commissary Blair who found it difficult to get him a living because of a suspicion of his unwillingness to return to London for ordination as a clergyman (Perry, p. 36a; Goodwin, p. 277). But Hartwell gained the public eye through the Virginia Gazette. He accompanied to the gallows as spiritual mentor one Jonathan Faithful and was thanked publicly by him, as he went to his execution, for Hartwell's care of him during his imprisonment. (See note under entry for Dec. 12, 1739; Va. Gaz., Dec. 29-Jan. 4, 1739.) And in the Gazette appeared lines written by the Rev. Mr. Hartswell on a Voyage to Virginia in the year 1739, inscribed to Sir Yelverton Peyton, Bart., commanding his Majesty's Ship Hector (Va. Gaz., Jan. 25-Feb. 1, 1740) Peyton was well known in Virginia and was a friend of Governor Gooch, whom he had visited at the Palace while his ship was laid up in Virginia through the winter (Gooch to his brother, May 25, 1735, Colonial Williamsburg Inc.). - Back to Text
3. Lucy Ludwell, eldest daughter of Philip Ludwell of Green Springs, married John Grymes (see entry for Dec. 12, 1739) in 1715. She was the mother of ten children (Va. Mag., XXVII, 404-6, XXXII, 49). - Back to Text
4. This was probably the "Mr. Hutchins," (Capt. John Hutchings) a merchant of Norfolk, referred to in the Executive Journals of the Council for May 28 and 31, 1740, who was given the commission by the Council to provide 350 tons of shipping to transport the Virginia troops on the Carthagena expedition and to subsist the sailors under certain terms agreed upon. Capt. Hutchings was a leading citizen as well as active merchant. He served as mayor of the borough of Norfolk in 1737, 1743, and represented it in the House of Burgesses 1738, 1755. (Va. Mag., XIV, 351-353 XV, 7, 127-28, 379; Thomas J. Wertenbaker, Norfolk, Historic Southern Port, [Durham, N. C., 1931], p. 49.) - Back to Text
1. There was a mile course at Williamsburg where races were held and especially featured at the time of the Fairs. In three days of races on this course at the December Fair, 1739, when the stakes were varied and valuable, on the third day "Mr. Gooch's Horse, Top" (i. e. son of Governor Gooch) came in first and won a saddle and bridle valued at about 40 shillings (Va. Gaz., Dec. 7-14, 1739). - Back to Text
2. John Mercer was a well-known lawyer whose quick temper and decided opinions repeatedly
brought him into conflict with judicial and legislative bodies in Virginia. He was
censured by the House of Burgesses in 1730 and suspended from practicing law in Prince
William court for "violent behavior" to the justices in that county. On his petition he was permitted on Nov. 27, 1738, by action of the Council, to practice in his own business and that of his former
clients but on Oct. 25, 1739 this permission was withdrawn. This laconic entry in the diary indicates the question
was again brought before the Council at this April meeting.
Mercer came to Virginia from Dublin in 1720, and married Catherine Mason. He was guardian for some years of her nephew, George Mason, author of the Virginia Bill of Rights. Any possible calculation of the influence of Mercer on the educational development of George Mason would be a valuable contribution to Virginia history.
Mercer edited an Abridgement of the Laws of Virginia (Williamsburg, 1737), with a continuation in 1739 and a second edition (Glasgow, Scotland 1759). He was interested in the Ohio Company, led Stafford County in its opposition to the Stamp Act, and made strong efforts to develop the town of Marlborough in Stafford. He died in 1768 (Wm.Q. (I), XVII, 86-7; Va. Mag., XIV, 232-35, 346 XXIII 74-79; JHB, 1727-1734, 1736-1740, pp. 66, 71; Helen Hill, George Mason, Constitutionalist [Cambridge, 1938], pp. 9, 12, 13, 93). - Back to Text
1. Captain [John] Wilcox was master of the ship Rappahannock that traded between London and James River in this period. The Virginia Gazette reported his clearing the Upper District of James River, Sept. 2, 1736 for London with a cargo Of 345 hogsheads tobacco, 6,800 staves, skins, and sassafras, and his entry into the Upper District of James River from London in Feb. 1737, He is frequently mentioned in letters of Virginia planters and merchants (Va. Mag., III, 224, XXI, 437, XXII 166, 172; Wm. Q. (I), III, 234, XI, 59; Harker). - Back to Text
2. John Robinson (1683-1749) served in the House of Burgesses in the sessions beginning in 1711 and 1714, and was sworn into the Council in 1721. When Governor Gooch departed for England on June 20, 1749, Robinson served as acting Governor of Virginia for several months until his death on Sept. 5 of the same year. Robinson and Byrd had been close associates when they with John Grymes acted in 1736 as commissioners for the Crown in laying out the bounds of the Fairfax proprietary (Va. Mag., XVI, 216-7; Ex. Jour., III, IV, passim; Bassett, p. 410; Va. Hist. Port., pp. 504-5). - Back to Text
3. Probably Joshua Fry, surveyor and professor of mathematics at the College of William and Mary. Commissary Blair, because of failing health, frequently during this period was unable to conduct the services at Bruton Church and a lay reader would entertain the congregation by reading from a book of homiletics prepared for such occasions. Fry is best known for his work with Peter Jefferson in making the "Map of the Inhabited Parts of Virginia" (1751) (For sketch of Fry see the Dictionary of American Biography.) - Back to Text
4. Richard Francis came to Virginia from England, settled in York Town, and practiced law. Candidates to practice law were often referred to him by the Council for examination. (Va. Mag., X, 412-13, XIV, 227, XVII, 266; Wm. Q. (I), V, 222.) - Back to Text
1. The wife of Colonel William Bassett, of Eltham in New Kent County, was Elizabeth Churchill, daughter of William Churchill and Elizabeth Armistead. After the death of her first husband she married in l752 William Dawson, Commisar and president of the College of William and Mary, who survived his wedding only ten days--a matter of congratulatory comment by some, who believed he was fortunate thus quickly to escape the unhappiness marriage with the widow Bassett would have brought him. She lived until 1779 (Wm. Q. (I) VII, 146, 186-7). - Back to Text
1. It is uncertain which of the taverns in Williamsburg was known as [a] Coffeehouse in 1740. The architectural research of Colonial Williams[burg] Inc. ascribes lot 25 and part of lot 26 on Duke of Gloucester Street [a] "coffee house." There was a succession of owners conducting a tavern [on] this site. Jean Marot, a Huguenot emigrant who had served the first W[illiam] Byrd as secretary at Westover (Wm. Q. (I), V, 117) ran a tavern on [this] site 1707-17, Sullivan from 17l7-38, and James Shields, 1738-45. Byrd [went] to a coffeehouse in Williamsburg in his Diary, 1709-1712. It became dedeletedly known as the English coffeehouse in 1751-54 and is so called in advertisements (Architectural Summary, Colonial Williamsburg, Inc.). - Back to Text
2. Francis Robinson, clerk, was usher of the Grammar School of the C[ollege] of William and Mary. He died in 1741 and an inventory and apprais[al] of his estate were made 1741 (Wm. Q. (2), I, 56-7). - Back to Text
1. This was probably Lewis Burwell, son of Nathaniel Burwell and grandson of Robert ("King") Carter of Corotoman. He had been educated at Eton and at Caius College, Cambridge (Va. Mag., XXI, 197). He returned to Virginia in 1733 after the death of his grandfather and at first, though highly thought of by Governor Gooch, was not popular with his fellow Virginians because of his manner and way of life which, wrote Gov. Gooch, they "think too much upon the reserve, and are apt to construe it into Pride, but I think him a clever young man and intend to promote him to military honour, if I find he deserves favour from me" (Gooch to his brother, July 20, 1733, Gooch Letters, Colonial Williamsburg, Inc.). Lewis Burwell married Mary Willis, daughter of Colonel Francis Willis; his daughter Rebecca was the "Belinda" of Thomas Jefferson's college days. He served in the Council from 1744 and was president of the Council and acting governor of Virginia, 1750-51 (Va. Hist. Port., p.. 505; LJC, II, 933, et seq.; Wm. Q. (2), VI, 207; Va. Mag., X 177). - Back to Text
2. Mann Page was the son of Mann Page and Judith Carter Page, and father of John Page, Governor of Virginia and life long friend of Jefferson. He owned vast quantities of land in Virginia and resided at his fathers home, Rosewell, reputed the largest dwelling in colonial Virginia (Page, The Page Family). - Back to Text
3. This may have been either Llewellyn Eppes (see entry for May 22, 1741), William Eppes of Longfield in Henrico and then Chesterfield County, or Richard Eppes of Eppington in Chesterfield County (Va. Mag., III, 293-301, IX, 242, XXXIII, 26). While there is much detailed data of the Eppes [...] - Back to Text
1. These men were assembled as part of the contingent of troops Virginia sent under
Gov. Gooch to aid the British in their fight against Spain at Carthagena (Flippin, "William Gooch," North Carolina Historical Review, IV, . 41-2; Va. Mag., XXX, 1-20; Letters of Gooch to his brother, Colonial Williamsburg, Inc.). Gooch wrote his brother, June 4, 1740, "I have gott about 400 men." He embarked his troops the middle of September and sailed through the Capes of Virginia
on Oct 2 with the four companies raised in Virginia and six companies from Philadelphia
under the convoy, of His Majesty's sloop Wolfe (Gooch Papers, Va. Hist. Soc.).
For Byrd's views on the Carthagena expedition see his letter to Major Otway, Feb. 1740 (I.e. 1741), Va Mag., XXXVII, 28, and his letter to Sir Charles Wager, May 26, 1740 (ibid, XXXVII, 102-04). Byrd's unflattering opinion of the troops in camp is, in part, explained by a bill put through the Assembly of which Edward Barradall (see Dec. 11, 1739 entry), Attorney General and Burgess for the College of William and Mary was the author. This plan, which the late Fairfax Harrison called a "diabolically ingenious device," called on the county courts to impress men for the military service who followed no lawful calling or employment, excluding any man who had a vote in the election of burgesses or was or should be an indented or bought servant. This narrowed the field of impressment to ex-convicts. This plan of Barradall to drain off the ex-convicts from Virginia filled that colony's quota and provided a precedent for other colonies (Harrison, Landmarks of Old Prince William, I, 164, 172). - Back to Text
1. Cole Digges, of Belfield, York County (1692-1744) was the son of Dudley Digges, and grandson of Edward Digges, Governor of Virginia. He served in the House of Burgesses and was a member of the Council from 1719 to his death. He was county lieutenant of Elizabeth City, Warwick, and York. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Dr. Henry Tower of York County (Va. Mag., IV, 168-9; Wm. Q. (I), I, 144-45; Ex. Jour., III and IV, passim). - Back to Text
2. John Lidderdale was a merchant in Williamsburg in this period. He also had a store in Prince George County. It seems probable that he represented in Virginia the merchant firm of Robert and John Lidderdale of London. He married Elizabeth Robertson, daughter of William Robertson, clerk of the Council on March 2, 1739 (Va. Gaz., Sept. 9-16, Nov. 18-25, 1737, Mar. 2-9 1739, Mar. 21-29, 1745; Wm. Q. (I) V, 135, XVI, 185; (2), II, 202-3; Va Mag., V, 91, XVI, 21; see note on Spalding under Sept. 7, 1739 entry). He brought suits for various sums owed him and in association with Spalding in the Charles City and Prince George county courts (Charles City Order Book, 1737-1751, pp. 331, 361, 419; Prince George Minute Book, 1737-1740 PP. 183, 300, 392.) - Back to Text
1. Charles Carter of Cleve (1707-1764) was the third son of Robert ("King") Carter of Corotoman. He inherited from his father his lands in Prince George and Spotsylvania and the tide of settlement in that region made, him a very rich man before his death. He played a constant though relatively modest part in the political life of the colony, serving as a justice and county lieutenant and was a burgess for over a quarter of a century. He had served as one of the commissioners for Lord Fairfax in 1736 in surveying the bounds of the Northern Neck. Though Byrd served for the colonel on this commission, their opposing alliances seem to have had no effect on their friendliness. He married Byrd's daughter Anne in 1742. (Bassett, p. 402; Va. Mag., XXXI, 39-69; The Letters at Robert Carter, pp. 142-3) Charles Carter was one of the executors of the will of the diarist and took his oath as executor, Nov. 1745. (Charles City Order Book, 1737-1751, p. 387.) - Back to Text
2. Dr. Mollet was introduced to Byrd by Sir Hans Sloane when he came to Virginia. Byrd wrote Sloane he had done all he could to keep Dr. Mollet in Virginia but "our clymate was too cold, and his constitution too delicate, or else too lazy, to ride much about without which there are no great Earnings to be made for one of the Faculty in this thin inhabited Country. About a month ago he took his Departure for Jamaica, where he hopes to get more money with less Trouble." (Byrd to Sloane, Apr. 10 1741, British Museum, Sloane MSS, Vol. XXII, 4057, f. 20; printed in part in Va. Mag., XXXVII, 104 and entire In Wm. Q. (2), I, 199.) - Back to Text
3. Philip Lightfoot (1689-1743) was a member of the Council of Virginia and one of the richest men in the colony. He was a leading merchant in Yorktown, and at his death owned plantations in seven counties with houses, store houses and lots in Yorktown Williamsburg and Blandford and more than 180 slaves, "four wheeled and two wheeled Chaise" and a "coach and six horses" (Va. Mag., V, 83; Wm. Q. (I), III, 106.) - Back to Text
4. Spotswood died on June 7, 1740 at Annapolis on his way north to plan with the other colonial governments for their contingents in his American regiment for the Carthagena expedition (Dodson, p. 503). On Spotswood's death Governor Gooch, who had been named his alternate, made preparations to command the expedition from the colonies. Commissary Blair as the longest in service in the Council had been concerned for years as to whether in such a contingency he as a clergyman would follow the custom of becoming President of the Council and thus acting Governor during Gooch's absence. On the death of Colonel Robert Carter in 1732 Blair wrote to the Bishop of London that, as the eldest in the Council by the old standing instruction, he would be appointed President in case of the death or absence out of the colony of the Governor, but that he understood Byrd intended on account of his gown to seek to set aside the instruction and to obtain a "dormant commission for himself in case of a Governor's demise" (Blair to Bishop of London, Aug. 14, 1732, Oct. 11, 1740, Wm. Q. (2), XX pp. 118-19, 134-35). There is no evidence, now that the contingency Blair had foreseen had come to pass, that Byrd made any effort to hinder the Commissary from becoming President in regular routine. Gooch stated that he Paid Blair as acting Governor during his absence from Virginia on the Carthagena expedition "as much of my salary as amounted to what I received as colonel and quarter master general" (Flippin, "William Gooch," North Carolina Historical Review, IV, 41). - Back to Text
1. While family authorities argue William Stith was the son of William Stith and Mary Randolph, he is entered in the register of Queen's College, Oxford, where he received the B. A. degree in 1728 and M.A. in 1730 as the son of "John Stith of the Virgin Islands" (Wm. Q. (I), XXI, 188. See entry for Dec. 25, 1739). He was master of the Grammar School of William and Mary College, chaplain to the House of Burgess and in 1738 became rector of the parish of Henrico. In 1752 he was named president of William and Mary College, though opposed by some as anti-Trinitarian and by Governor Dinwiddie as an unorthodox clergyman and a man of turbulent spirit who endeavored to make a party of the lower class of people as enemies of the Governor in his administration. (Wm. Q. (2), XX, 227-236.) He was author of The History of the First Discovery and Settlement of Virginia (Williamsburg, 1747). He married Judith Randolph, daughter of Thomas Randolph of Tuckahoe, described in the Virginia Gazette (July 21-28, 1738) as "an agreeable lady with a very considerable fortune." (Va Mag., XLV, 70.) - Back to Text
1. While the four captains to command the Virginia troops on the Carthagena Expedition were not named in the Council minutes until Aug. 6, it is probable that Byrd is referring here to two of these four men named captains, Lawrence Washington, Charles Walker, Richard Bushrod and James Mercer. (Va. Mag., XV, 6.) - Back to Text
2. This may refer to Dr. M-r-t of whom records seem to be lacking, but who accompanied Byrd from Williamsburg to Westover. (See entry for Aug. 7, 1740.) - Back to Text
1. Captain Thomas Bolling traded between Virginia and England and is frequently mentioned by the family at Westover in their letters (Va. Mag., XXXVI, 118, 353; XXXVII, 109). He was master of the ship Harrison from London for some years (Harker). He was in James River apparently in the ship Dunkirk in the autumn of 1740. (See entry for Aug. 11, 1740; Wm. Q. (I), XXI, 97-8.) There has been confusion apparently of Edward Bolling, and Thomas Bolling (Va. Mag., XXXVI, 118), but in the lists of ships trading to and from Virginia as noted in the Virginia Gazette, 1736-40, only Capt. Thomas Bolling is listed. - Back to Text
1. The Council on eve of Gooch's departure in command of the America troops in the Carthagena expedition. - Back to Text
2. This was probably Nicholas Mills who is frequently mentioned in the records of St. Paul's parish Hanover County (The Vestry Book of St. Paul Parish), and in the county records as Nich Mills Gent. (Wm. Q. (I), XX 56). His will was written May 6, 1741 and he was certainly dead by 1749 though the exact date of his death is not known (T's Q., XIV, 237; Va. Mag., XXXI, 324; XXXVIII, 383). - Back to Text
1. Long Bridge spanned the Chickahominy river, between Charles City and New Kent counties, just east of the point at which the White Oak Swamp stream emptied into the river (A Map of the Inhabited Part of Virginia . . ., Drawn by Joshua Fry and Peter Jefferson in 1751; Cal. S. P., II:, 66; T's. Q., VIII, 254). It is frequently mentioned in this period in the records of Charles City and the August court of that county in this year, 1740, had had a report City from gentlemen ordered to view the bridge that it was in "a very dangerous condition." The court took action to require the undertakers for keeping the bridge in repair to be prosecuted. (Charles City Order Book, 1737-1751, pp. 41, 140, 280, 386, 441.) - Back to Text
2. Patrick Henry, who had the King's Bounty in 1732, followed his brother John Henry to Virginia. After earlier charges he became minister of St Paul's Parish in Hanover county, 1737-1777. He was the uncle of the Revolutionary orator Patrick Henry. (Vestry Book of St. Paul's Parish; Goodwin p. 278.) - Back to Text
1. John Ravenscroft (see entry and note for Aug. 29, 1739) bulk a chapel on Jones Hole Creek in Bristol parish in 1729 (Philip Slaughter, A History of Bristol Parish, Va. [Richmond, 1879], p. 15). - Back to Text
1. I. e. Gooch's wife, Rebecca Stanton Gooch and his daughter-in-law, daughter of James Bowler of Maryland, who, after the death of the Governor's son married Warner Lewis of Gloucester County (Va. Mag., XI, 73-4). - Back to Text
1. John Custis, 1678-1749, was closely connected with Byrd in business and family
affairs. He married Frances Parke sister of Byrd's first wife, Lucy Parke. He was
a member of the House of Burgesses and then of the Council. See Articles of Agreement between John Custis, Frances his wife, and William Byrd, Feb.
1711, New York Historical Society; Custis Letter Book 1717-1741, Library of Congress; Hen. Stat., IV, 29; Custis, Recollections of Washington, pp. 16-17.
Custis shared Byrd's interest in the flora and fauna of Virginia (Curwen MSS, American Antiquarian Society, copies in Colonial Williamsburg, Inc.; Letters of Peter Collinson to John Custis, Bartram to Collinson, Dec. 25, 1737, Bartram Papers, Vol. 1, f. 16, Penn. Hist. Soc., copies in Colonial Williamsburg, Inc.). - Back to Text
1. This was the fifty-seventh birthday of George II Commissary Blair, as Governor in Gooch's absence, was conforming to the custom of the Governor's celebrating the King's birthnight with a ball in the colonial capitol. Governor Gooch made lament to his brother at the expense to the Governor of these occasions, declaring the celebration of His Majesty's birthday cost 100 guineas (Feb. 18, 1727, Gooch Letters, Colonial Williamsburg, Inc.). For another contemporary account of such a celebration, see Va. Gaz., Oct. 28-Nov. 4, 1737. - Back to Text
1. The Council on this same day "advised the Presid't to Pardon the Prisoners und'r Condemnation for the reasons mentioned in Court," (Va. Mag., XV, 10). It was discovered that the criminals convicted at this court were indicted by a Grand jury of whom one was not a freeholder. Because of this violation of the law the court voted to pardon those convicted (Ex. Jour., Nov. 3, 1740, Va. State Library). - Back to Text
1. This may refer to Stephen Furnea (or Fornea) who kept an ordinary deleted Blissland parish in New Kent County where the vestry of that parish he deleted meetings 1726-33 (Vestry Book of Blissland Parish, 1721-1786, ed . C. deletedChamberlayne [Richmond, 1935), pp. 26, 36, 37, 41). - Back to Text
2.John Grymes, eldest son of Colonel John Grymes and Lucy Ludwell Grymes had died June 30, 1740 at the age of twenty-two. (Wm. Q. (I), V 165) Young John Grymes had studied at Cambridge in 1735 (Va. Mag., XXXIII, 216). When he went to England to study he was accompanied by William Stith (see June 15, 1740 entry). The two young Virginians were commended to his brother Thomas Gooch of Caius College, later the bishop of Norwich, by Governor Gooch in the following letter: "The bearer hereof eldest son to Col. Grymes Rr. General of this Colony and my particular friend He comes to Trinity Hall in your University to study the Law (not with desire to practice it) whither one Mr. Carter went about two years since, Brother the Secretary of this Country, who I very earnestly recomended, as I do now this young Gentleman, to your favour and friendship, and if you will now and then countenance these two young sparks by inviting them to dinner wi - Back to Text
1. Lloyd was in command of a British warship in Virginia waters through the winter of 1740-41 (Ex. Jour, Feb. 24, 25, 1741, MSS of typed copies in Virginia State Library. See entries for Feb. 24 and 25, 1741 in diary). The printed version of the Ex. Jour. (Va. Mag., XV, 12) gives his name as Lyde. - Back to Text
2. Robert Stanton was appointed by Governor Gooch clerk of the Council in 1742 (Va. Mag., XV, 387; XVII, 267) He died about September 1743 (Gooch to his brother, Sept 20, 1743. Colonial Williamsburg, Inc.). - Back to Text
3. The Council, Oct. 23, 1739, on recommendation of Governor Gooch had appointed his son, William Gooch, as naval officer for York River (Va. Mag., XIV, 345). A warrant from the Crown named Head Lynch, brother of John Lynch Dean of Canterbury, to the office. He had settled in Caroline County a few years before. The Council, jealous of their prerogatives, resented this appointment by the Crown without consulting them. The action referred to by Byrd in this diary entry is fully sketched in the Executive Journal for the same date, Dec. 10, 1740:
"His Majestys Warrant under his Sign Manual bearing Date at St. James's the 16th Day of January 1739-40 Countersigned by His Grace the Duke of Newcastle His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State, and Directed to the Lieutenant Governor, and in his absence to the Commander-in-Chief or the President of the Council for the time being, to authorize the Granting Letters Patent under the Great Seal of this Colony, for appointing Head Lynch Esqr. Clerk of the Naval or Navy Office of York River in the Room of William Robertson Esqr. Deceased, was communicated to the Board by Mr. President, and he desiring the advice of the Council thereupon: after Long Debate, the Majority of the Board were of opinion, That as William Gooch the Younger Esqr., soon after Mr Robertson's Death was appointed by the Lieutenant Governor (with the advice of the Council) Naval Officer of York River, pursuant to an act of Parliament made in the Fifteen Year of the Reign of King Charles the Second; and has given security to the Commissioners of his Majesty's customs, to his Majesty's use, and been by them approved of Pursuant to another act made in 7th, 8th years of the Reign of King William the third: and he having been also in like manner appointed Collector of the Virginia Duties, pursuant to Several Acts of Assembly of this Colony and thro constant Usage in the like Cases (of all which the Conceive his Majesty had not been informed) That an humble Representation of the Case be made to his Majesty and that the granting the Said Letters Patent to the Said Head Lynch be respited until his Majesty Shall be pleased to Signifie his Pleasure concerning the Premises and it is ordered by Consent of the Parties that In the meantime the Profits of the said Office be sequestered." (MS in Va. State Library.)Protracted debate as to whether a representation should be made to the Crown before a commission was issued resulted, on April 23, 1741, in a tie vote. A warrant from the Crown April 7, 1742, appointed William Gooch Esquire, naval officer of York River.
1. This church, known as Westover Church and still standing, in spite of various vicissitudes of war and temporary neglect was built on Herrin Creek, which flows into James River east of Westover. It was built on land owned by Byrd and known as Evelynton and was about two miles from the house of Westover. (Colonial Churches in the Original Colony of Virginia, pp. 119-122; Brock, Colonial Churches, pp. 611-69.) Evelyn Byrd, daughter of the Diarist, was the last member of his family to be buried in the yard of the old Westover church in 1737. The "new church" as it was called in Charles City records, about whose date there has been doubt (see Bassett, p. xxxi, for statement that the old church was moved in 1731), was certainly in use before May, 1738. (Charles City Order Book, 1737-1751, p. 41.) There is a tradition that the church at Westover was moved from its early site a quarter of a mile from the house to the Herrins Creek site two miles away because Byrd's second wife grew weary of entertaining most of the congregation for dinner! (See Diary, July, 9, 23, Aug 20, 1710, for Byrd's resolution refrain from having guests for Sunday dinner, a resolution quickly broken - Back to Text
1. This refers to William Nelson, known as President Nelson, oldest son of "Scotch Tom" Nelson of Yorktown (see entry for May 5, 1741). William Nelson married in 1738 Elizabeth (called Betty), only daughter of Nathaniel Burwell and Elizabeth Carter. Their son, Thomas Nelson, who was latter to gain fame as signer of the Declaration of Independence, Governor of Virginia, and Major General in the American army, was born December 26, 1739, and was thus something over two years old when referred to by Byrd (Page, Genealogy of the Page Family, pp. 160-61; Va. Mag., IX 355-56, XXXIII, 189; Wm. Q. (I), V, 244). - Back to Text
deleted - Back to Text
1. Byrd received a salary as a member of the Council and a fee as a judge of the Court of Oyer and Terminer. This sum, paid to him by Blair, acting Governor, may be connected with these official services. - Back to Text
2. The action of the Council is more fully recorded in the unpublished records of
that group for Feb. 24 and 25, now filed in copies in the Virginia State Library (awaiting
publication in the continuation of the series deleted Executive journals of the Council) than in the journal as published in Va. Mag., XV, 11-12. On Feb. 24, the unpublished journal states that the Council provided for "a Letter to Sir Yelverton Peyton Captain of his Majesty's Ship the Hector, Desiring
him to convoy the Mast Ships from New England hither: which will not only Induce Captain
Lloyd to stay for the Ships in the Tobacco Trade, but enable him to Convoy them directly
to England be prepared and Laid before the Board toMorrow Morning."
On the following day the President signed letters to both Sir Yelverton Peyton and Captain Lloyd and the journal has this entry: "The Board being informed by Captain Lloyd that Upon their Letter he had determined to defdeleted his Departure From hence till the 20th, of April, Ordered that an Embar[go] be Laid on all Ships and Vessels bound for Great Britain until the [said] Twentyeth Day of April, and that the Naval officers do forthwith notifie [the] Same to the Masters of Ships in their respective Districts to the End th[?] may prepare in due time to join Captain Lloyd in Kiquotan Road in Jam[es] River; and that the said Officers take care that no Ship or Vessel bound [for] Great Britain be cleared until Bond be Given as the Law Directs for deleted serving this Embargo." But while the sailing of the ships was delayed Sir Yelverton Peyton did not go to Piscataway to convoy the two mast ships as the Council desired but offered them a
"handsome excuse"on April 29 (Va. Mag., XV, 117). - Back to Text
1. The son of Benjamin and Anne Carter Harrison of Berkeley, who served in the House of Burgesses for forty sessions, was among the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and Governor of Virginia, 1781-1794. At the time of this entry he was about fifteen years old (Va Mag., XXIII, 299, XLI, 163). When the will of Col. Benjamin Harrison was presented in court August 1745. William Randolph and Betty Harrison obtained letters of administration during the minority of Benjamin Harrison, son and heir of the deceased (Charles City Order Book, 1737-1751, p. 376). - Back to Text
1. Mrs Needler, the widow of Benjamin Needler (see Dec 12, 1739 entry), whose death had occurred since Byrd's previous stay in Williamsburg, was Alice, daughter of Gawin Corbin of Laneville, King and Queen County. Mrs Needier inherited under her fathers will, proved in 1744, his house and four lots in Williamsburg (Va. Mag., XIV, 26, XXIX, 520). - Back to Text
2. This may refer to Mrs Barradall the mother of the Attorney General, Edward Barradall, who, evidence would seem to indicate, was living as late as 1754 (Randolph and Barradall, Virginia Colonial Decisions, I, 243); or it may refer to the attorney's wife, Sarah Fitzhugh, daughter of William Fitzhugh, member of the Council, whom he married on Jan. 5, 1736. Barrandall died June 19, 1743 and his wife Oct. 7, 1743 (T's. Q., XVI, 44; Va. Mag., XIV, 5). - Back to Text
1. William Beverley, to whom Byrd refers in this formal manner, was his nephew son
of his sister Ursula and the historian Robert Beverley. William Beverly (c. 1698-1756)
was clerk of Essex County from 1716 to 1745, and served in House of Burgesses until
he was made a member of the Council in 1751. He was one of the commissioners in 1736
representing Lord Fairfax in the survey of the boundary of the Fairfax proprietary
while his uncle William Byrd represented the colony of Virginia. William Beverley
acquired numerous tracts of land, one grant, Beverley Manor, including 118,240 acres
of desirable land about the present site of Staunton (Va. Mag., III, 269; XXII, 297-301; XXXVI, 27; Bassett, 401-11; Cal. S. P, I. 228).
Beverley's young son John died at Westover where he was at school in November, 1741, and for his death Beverley, ill and inconsolable, blamed the neglect of "yt inhuman Lady [Maria Taylor Byrd] at Westover" (Wm. Q. (I), III, 231, 233). - Back to Text
1. This may refer either to William Dawson professor of moral philosophy at the College of William and Mary at this period and after James Blair's death President of the College and Commissary for the Bishop of London, or to his younger brother, Thomas Dawson, who was at this date master of the Indian School of the College and later President of the College and Commissary. (See Lyon G. Tyler, Williamsburg, the Old Colonial Capital [Richmond, c.1907], pp. 142-6.) Thomas Dawson went to England in May 1740 to be ordained and the date of his return has not been determined (Va. Biog., I, 161). - Back to Text
2. Thomas Lee (1690-1750), son of Richard Lee and Letitia Corbin, was the founder of the Stratford line of Lees. He was connected with his uncle Edmund Jenings as agent for the Fairfax family in the Northern Neck in 1732 became a member of the Council, and just before his death was President of the Council and commander in chief of the colony and Dominion of Virginia (deputy to the Earl of Albemarle) September 5, 1749 to Nov. 14, 1750. He was one of the Virginia commissioners to make the Treaty of Lancaster with the Indians of the Six Nations in 1744 and in 1748 was president of the first Ohio Company. He married Hannah, daughter of Phillip Ludwell II (B. J. Hendrick, The Lees of Virginia [Boston, 1935], pp. 47-69; Va. Hist. Port., pp. 175-6, 505; Fairfax Harrison, Virginia Land Grants, [Richmond 1925], pp. 54, 97, 159). - Back to Text
1. Colonel William Fairfax (see May 5, 1741 entry), was married three times, but the Mrs. Fairfax referred to here was Deborah, daughter of Francis Clarke and his wife Deborah Gedney, of Salem, Mass. She was the mother of Bryan Fairfax (1756-1802) and on her death in 1747 Colonel Fairfax sent her son to Salem to his mothers people for his early education (Va. Mag., XVI, 32-3; Harrison, Virginia Land Grants, pp. 162-3). - Back to Text
2. James Mumford was a member of the vestry of Bristol parish, Prince George County, from 1728 to 1744 and was a major of militia. He lived after 1744 in Amelia County. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Bolling. His will was proved Apr. 25, 1754 (T's. Q., III, 174-75). He accompanied Byrd on his journey to the Land of Eden in 1733 and is frequently mentioned in Byrd's account of that journey (Bassett pp. 281-329). - Back to Text
1. I.e., Grace Church (H. T. Brock, Colonial Churches in Virginia [Richwood, c. 1930], p. 32). - Back to Text
2. Thomas Nelson, who migrated from England to Virginia and settled at Yorktown around 1700, was a highly successful merchant and became the progenitor of the Nelson family in Virginia. He was popularly known as "Scotch Tom." Born in 1677, he was aged 64 years when Byrd calls him "old Nelson." He died in 1745. (Page, The Page Family, pp. 155-56; Va. Mag., XXXIII, 188.) - Back to Text
3. Richard Ambler, of York, England settled at York Town Virginia, in 1716, and became one of the successful merchants of that thriving colonial port town. He left a large estate in slaves and lands at his death in 1766. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Edward Jacquelin (or Jaquelin) of Jamestown (Va. Mag., XXXIII, 187; Wm. Q. (I), XIV, 126-9). - Back to Text
4. Col. William Fairfax (1691-1757) of Belvoir on the Potomac came to Virginia in 1733 as agent for his uncle, Thomas, sixth Lord Fairfax, in the Fairfax proprietary. He built Belvoir about 1741. He served as a burgess, was appointed to the Council in 1743, and later became President of that body. One of his sons, Reverend Bryan Fairfax, succeeded to the title as eighth Lord Fairfax. (Va. Mag., XXXVI, 32; Harrison, Landmarks of Old Prince William, p. 340; Edward D. Neill, The Fairfaxes of England and America [Albany, 1868].) - Back to Text
1. John Blair, son of Dr. Archibald Blair and nephew of Commissary James Blair, was a member of the Council and served as President of his Majesty's Council and commander in chief of the colony and Dominion of Virginia in 1759 in the interim between Governors Dinwiddie and Fauquier and again in 1769 in the interim between Governors Fauquier and Botetourt (Va. Hist. Port, 507-9; for diary of John Blair for 1751-52 kept in an interleaved almanac for 1751, see Wm.Q. (I), VII, 133-53, VIII, 1-17). - Back to Text
2. Byrd owned land on Shockoe creek, included in the town of Richmond, where a public warehouse had been provided for in the law of 1730 (Hen. Stat. IV, 266). Byrd's reference to his stores at Shockoe indicates that it was a place of trade in other commodities than tobacco in the now developing town. Byrd seems to have had a number of such stores at strategic river points. - Back to Text
1. See note under entry for March 16, 1741. - Back to Text
2. This was probably Henrietta Maria Hardyman, sister of Francis Hardyman, who was an administratrix of her husband Major Edmund Eppes in 1757 (Wm. Q. (I), XI, 48. This reference states she was appointed guardian of her children in 1775 but that date is an evident error for 1757). - Back to Text
1. Robert Dinwiddie, of Germigton, Scotland, was named Surveyor General of Customs
of the Southern ports of the Continent of America in 1738. He appears to have fixed
his chief residence in Virginia. When he attempted to take bit seat in the Council
of Virginia, to which like his predecessors he had been named, the Council refused
him a seat and sent a remonstrance to the King. Governor Gooch supported the prerogative
of the Crown and the Board of Trade in May, 1742, settled the controversy on the side
of the Surveyor-General and against the claims of the Council, resisted as new and
Dinwiddie served as lieutenant governor of Virginia, 1751-55, when he and the colonial legislature were at odds in important policies, especially in the case of the pistole fee (Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie, Lieutenant Governor of the Colony of Virginia, ed. R. A. Brock (Va. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol III New Series], I, viii-ix). See Va. Map., XV, 124; Gooch to the Commissioners for Trade & Plantations, Nov. 6, 1741,, Gooch Papers, Va. Hist. Soc. - Back to Text
2. The wife of Governor Gooch was Rebecca daughter of William Stanton, Esq of Hampton, Middlesex, England. She survived him more than twenty years. On her death in 1775 she willed the College of William and Mary, In remembrance of the education there of her only son, William Gooch, who died in Virginia in 1742, her gilt sacrament cup and a large folio Bible in four volumes (Letter of Gov. Gooch to his brother, Oct 21, 1742, Colonial Williamsburg, Inc.; Va. Mag., III, 113, XXXII, 142-3; Wm. Q. (I), XXIII, 173-5). - Back to Text
* Byrd left Williamsburg June 11 and did not return before the diary ends. - Back to Text
Sources investigated and used in compiling this report appear below. Printed materials and manuscripts at the Colonial Williamsburg Research Center, Swem Library at the College of William and Mary, the Virginia Historical Society, the Virginia State Library, and the Williamsburg-James City County Courthouse were examined. At Colonial Williamsburg, files in the Departments of Architecture and Archives were checked, as well as graphic arts, house history, and research query files in the Department of Research. How thoroughly each source was examined depended on how likely it was to contain specific references to the property or residents.
Unless otherwise indicated, all sources are available at the Colonial Williamsburg Research Center. The marginal "WM" denotes sources from Swem Library at the College of William and Mary; "VHS" denotes sources from the Virginia Historical Society; "VSL" denotes sources from the Virginia State Library; and "CH" denotes sources from the Williamsburg-James City County Courthouse.
February 28, 1979
To: Roy Graham
From: Pat Gibbs
Re: Structure at the north end of England Street shown on the Frenchman's Map
My educated guess is that the structure shown at the north end of England Street on the Frenchman's Map is the Peyton Randolph stable, not the Corbin House as noted on Paul Buchanan's February 8th memo to you. Several references to this property appear in my December 1978 report, "Documentary Research on the Peyton Randolph Property (Lots 207 and 237)" requested by and arranged chronologically for Ivor Noël Hume. Paul Buchanan has a copy.
These points support my educated guess:
The early history of lots 178-181 is clearly traceable. The Corbin House (built before 1739) stood on one of these lots, but documentary evidence does not indicate which lot or how long the house survived. References to the house are confined to its mention in Gawin Corbin's will (cited below) and William Byrd II's 1739-1741 diary entries which indicate visits to the house of Benjamin and Alice Needler.
Ownership of lot 178 after about 1744 is unclear. The 1783 deed cited earlier does not list lot 178 as one of the lots formerly owned by Peyton Randolph but 19th-century town plats indicate Peachy family ownership of lots 178-185, as well as lots 232-237 and 207-208 [detail of plat attached].
Bridging the gap in records between Corbin's will and Peyton Randolph's purchase of some of these lots from William and Elizabeth Robinson of King and Queen County requires speculation and should be considered as such. According to a Robinson family genealogy, William Robinson (born 1716; died 1767 or 1768) married a daughter (probably named Alice) of Benjamin Needler of King and Queen County, and his wife Alice, daughter of Gawin Corbin [Virginia Magazine 17 (1909), 207-208]. If the Needler's daughter was named Elizabeth, rather than the questioned Alice, then it is possible that Benjamin Needler willed the house and lots 178-181 to his daughter, who, with her husband, later sold the property to Peyton Randolph. Neither the King and Queen County records, where Benjamin Needler's will would have been recorded, nor the General Court records, where the deed between the Robinsons and Peyton Randolph may have been recorded, have survived.
However, documentary evidence does clear up another case of mistaken identity in your department file on the so-called Corbin House. Paul Buchanan 3. showed me a note provided by Mrs. Kocher from her husband's personal files which identified the structure at the north end of England Street as the De Graffenried House. On 18 February 1720 John Davis sold lot 175 "with all houses, Yards, Gardens" to Christopher De Graffenried for £5 Virginia money [York County Deeds and Bonds, III, 344]. The date De Graffenried sold this lot is unknown, but we know that he owned lot 47 from 1722 to 1728 [ibid., 384-386 and 483-484].
I hope this involved reply satisfactorily answers your brief note to Cary Carson regarding the Corbin House.
December 19, 1978
To: I. Noël Hume
From: Pat Gibbs
Re: Attached Report
The report of documentary research on the Peyton Randolph House is at last complete.
As Cary's October 2nd memo stated, some manuscript materials were simply duplicated, not transcribed. If you have difficulty reading words or phrases I will be happy to assist you or anyone on your staff. Even though the documents are separated into three sections, these are all cross-referenced in Section III.
When the Research Department obtains copies of documents from other repositories, it is with the understanding that they are for reference use only. Before publishing any quotes from these materials, permission must be obtained from the director of librarian of the repository owning the original.
If I locate any additional material pertinent to the Peyton Randolph House, I will send a copy. After the holidays I will send a list of sources used in compiling this report.
March 15, 1979
To: Ivor Noël Hume
From: Pat Gibbs
Re: Bibliography for report on Peyton Randolph property
Attached is the bibliography which my December 19th memo stated would be forthcoming.
Inserts #65A and #73A are also included.
Please make the following corrections in your copy of the report:
Section II, #8--Add this sentence and citation:
About this time or sometime later the Randolphs acquired lots 208 and 236. Though no deed for the transaction appears in the York County records, these lots were included when the Randolph property was sold in 1783 [Section III, #30].
Section II, #9--Revise the last sentence to read:.
Corbin acquired lots 178-181 from Francis Tyler on 14 December 1720. [York County Deeds, Bonds III, 345]
Section II, #10--Revise citation to read:
(Section III, #7].